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Theoretical Terms (theoretical + term)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	50%

Selected Abstracts

Equation of state for the viscosity of Lennard-Jones fluids,

AICHE JOURNAL, Issue 2 2006
Leslie V. Woodcock
Abstract A one-parameter model constitutive transport equation for the viscosity of the Lennard-Jones (L-J) fluid that is accurate for all equilibrium states of liquid and gas is proposed: The form of this equation is based upon the soft-sphere scaling laws for the residual density-dependent viscosity discovered originally by Ashurst and Hoover and uses their empirical coefficient (CAH). Enskog's density-independent limit theoretical term (,0) is included to reproduce the viscosity in the limit of zero density accurately. Remaining discrepancies at low temperatures, for both gas and liquid densities, are largely removed when the linear-density Rainwater-Friend coefficient is added. The equation is comparable in accuracy to the 24-parameter empirical equation of state proposed by Rowley and Painter. Comparison with this correlation and previous MD results reveals a discrepancy near the triple point. To test the equation, new MD data for three fluid states are reported. Here, the viscosity is computed from time correlation functions resolved into the single-particle auto- and cross-correlation terms. It is found that, at high density (,* > 0.8), the cross,correlations extend beyond 7, (molecule diameters) and oscillate in sign. This explains the wide scatter of previous MD viscosities for small L-J systems. © 2005 American Institute of Chemical Engineers AIChE J, 2006 [source]

Toward a Critical Phenomenology of "Illegality": State Power, Criminalization, and Abjectivity among Undocumented Migrant Workers in Tel Aviv, Israel

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 3 2007
Sarah S. Willen
ABSTRACT Given the vast scope and magnitude of the phenomenon of so-called "illegal" migration in the present historical moment, this article contends that phenomenologically engaged ethnography has a crucial role to play in sensitizing not only anthropologists, but also policymakers, politicians, and broader publics to the complicated, often anxiety-ridden and frightening realities associated with "the condition of migrant illegality," both of specific host society settings and comparatively across the globe. In theoretical terms, the article constitutes a preliminary attempt to link pressing questions in the fields of legal anthropology and anthropology of transnational migration, on one hand, with recent work by phenomenologically oriented scholars interested in the anthropology of experience, on the other. The article calls upon ethnographers of undocumented transnational migration to bridge these areas of scholarship by applying what can helpfully be characterized as a "critical phenomenological" approach to the study of migrant "illegality" (Willen, 2006; see also Desjarlais, 2003). This critical phenomenological approach involves a three-dimensional model of illegality: first, as a form of juridical status; second, as a sociopolitical condition; and third, as a mode of being-in-the-world. In developing this model, the article draws upon 26 non-consecutive months of ethnographic field research conducted within the communities of undocumented West African (Nigerian and Ghanaian) and Filipino migrants in Tel Aviv, Israel, between 2000 and 2004. During the first part of this period, "illegal" migrants in Israel were generally treated as benign, excluded "Others." Beginning in mid-2002, however, a resource-intensive, government-sponsored campaign of mass arrest and deportation reconfigured the condition of migrant "illegality" in Israel and, in effect, transformed these benign "Others" into wanted criminals. By analyzing this transformation the article highlights the profound significance of examining not only the judicial and sociopolitical dimensions of what it means to be "illegal" but also its impact on migrants' modes of being-in-the-world. [source]

Democracy and Conceptual Contestability: Reconsidering Conceptions of Democracy in Democracy Promotion

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2010
Milja Kurki
Democracy is a deeply contested concept: historically, complex debates have revolved around the meaning of democracy and the plausibility of different ,models of democracy.' However, democracy's conceptual contestability has received diminished attention in the post-Cold War democracy promotion debate as the attention of democracy promotion actors and scholars has turned to fine-tuning of policies through which a liberal democratic model can be successfully encouraged. It is argued here that the focus on the extension of the reach of the liberal democratic mode of governance has resulted in a conceptually impoverished appreciation of the multiple meanings that the idea of democracy can take. It is argued that the ,essential contestability' of the idea of democracy is not adequately recognized and tackled, which in turn has important effects for the ability of democracy promotion scholars, as well as practitioners, to take into account the consequences that considering alternative (non- or extra-liberal) models of democracy might have for democracy promotion. To move the debate forward, I explore here, primarily in conceptual and theoretical terms, what serious engagement with the essential contestability of democracy might mean for democracy promotion. I argue that it entails a two-fold move: ,pluralization' and ,contextualization' of the conceptions of democracy. The latter part of the article examines in detail the reasons that might exist for considering such a move in framing the study and the practice of democracy promotion, as well as the potential dangers that might be involved. [source]

Dispute Resolution and the Politics of Cultural Generalization

NEGOTIATION JOURNAL, Issue 1 2003
David Kahane
This essay argues that generalizations about cultural identities and values should play a key role in designing procedures to resolve disputes. Generalizations about cultures are risky given the complexity of memberships and group boundaries, not to mention the power dynamics within and between social groups. But it is important to take the risk: attempts to avoid or transcend culture in resolving disputes pose an even greater danger, of reiterating the understandings of dominant cultural groups under the guise of neutrality. The author explores the "politics of cultural generalization" in theoretical terms, then considers its implications for concrete elements of dispute resolution training and process design. [source]