The State Department (the + state_department)

Distribution by Scientific Domains


Selected Abstracts


Different Approaches to a Regional Search for Balance: The Johnson Administration, the State Department, and the Middle East, 1964,1967*

DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 1 2008
Arlene Lazarowitz
First page of article [source]


"A Certain Irritation": The White House, the State Department, and the Desire for a Naval Settlement with Great Britain, 1927,1930

DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 5 2007
B. j. c. Mckercher
First page of article [source]


The Little State Department: McGeorge Bundy and the National Security Council Staff, 1961-65

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2001
ANDREW PRESTON
This article examines the alteration of the role, prerogatives, and power of the special assistant to the president for national security affairs, a position more commonly known as the national security adviser. Presidents Truman and Eisenhower conceived of and shaped the National Security Council(NSC) and its staff to be administrative in their responsibilities and character. Under President Kennedy, McGeorge Bundy utterly changed this, concentrating power and decision-making authority in the hands of the special assistant and his NSC staff at the White House. From 1961, the special assistant and NSC staff ceased to be administrators and became policy formulators actively engaged in the policy-making process. This transformation occurred largely at the expense of the State Department and had profound consequences for American foreign policy, particularly toward the conflict in Vietnam. [source]


Transatlantic Cultural Politics in the late 1950s: the Leaders and Specialists Grant Program

ART HISTORY, Issue 4 2003
Nancy Jachec
Using recently declassified US State Department documents from the Leaders and Specialists Grant Program (LSGP), this article examines American Abstract Expressionism's success in Western Europe within the context of Euro-American foreign policy, and specifically the promotion of the European Union in the late 1950s. Our current understanding of the politics of Abstract Expressionism tends to assume that Europeans were passive in the face of American cultural expansion, as well as to overlook the specific policy objectives that may have been pursued by the individuals and governments involved in the international cultural exchanges which yielded the exhibitions Jackson Pollock 1912,1956 and The New American Painting, which are widely held to mark the emergence of a world-class American culture. This article argues that the success of these shows was in fact the result of the efforts of European and American cultural figures involved in the LSGP, an educational exchange programme administered by the State Department and working through the pro-American European Movement to promote gesture painting as an Atlanticist cultural practice. [source]


Sacred Sovereigns and Punishable War Crimes: The Ambivalence of the Wilson Administration towards a Trial of Kaiser Wilhelm II,

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 4 2007
Binoy Kampmark
Conventional wisdom characterises President Woodrow Wilson as a progressive internationalist in the making of foreign policy, sceptical of international practices such as secret diplomacy and balance-of-power theories. An examination of the Wilson Administration's record in quelling Allied attempts to punish Kaiser Wilhelm II after the end of the First World War provides a contrasting view. The White House, leading figures in the State Department and a large grouping of prominent lawyers argued that punishing the German sovereign for waging war in violation of treaties would destabilise international order and lose the peace. Current American reluctance to participate in the International Criminal Court and fears of an undue intrusion of an international judiciary on the merits of foreign policy make an understanding of these reservations timely. [source]


Can we predict recurrence of pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension?

BJOG : AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF OBSTETRICS & GYNAECOLOGY, Issue 8 2007
MA Brown
Objective, To estimate the rates of recurrence of pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension in a subsequent pregnancy and to determine factors predictive of recurrence. Design, Retrospective cohort study. Setting, St George Public and Private Hospitals, teaching hospitals without neonatal intensive care units. Participants, A total of 1515 women with a diagnosis of pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension between 1988 and 1998 were identified from the St George Hypertension in Pregnancy database, a system designed initially for ensuring quality outcomes of hypertensive pregnancies. Of these, 1354 women were followed up, and a further 333 records from women coded as having a normal pregnancy during that period were selected randomly as controls. Main outcome measures, Likelihood of recurrent pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension and clinical and routine laboratory factors in the index pregnancy predictive of recurrence of pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension. Methods, The index cases from our unit's database were linked to the matched pregnancy on the State Department of Health database, allowing us to determine whether further pregnancies had occurred at any hospital in the State. The outcome of these pregnancies was determined by review of medical records, using strict criteria for diagnosis of pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension. Results, Almost all women with a normal index pregnancy had a further normotensive pregnancy. One in 50 women hypertensive in their index pregnancy had developed essential hypertension by the time of their next pregnancy. Women with pre-eclampsia in their index pregnancy were equally likely to develop either pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension (approximately 14% each), while women with gestational hypertension were more likely to develop gestational hypertension (26%) rather than pre-eclampsia (6%) in their next pregnancy. Multiparous women with gestational hypertension were more likely than primiparous women to develop pre-eclampsia (11 versus 4%) or gestational hypertension (45 versus 22%) in their next pregnancy. Early gestation at diagnosis in the index pregnancy, multiparity, uric acid levels in the index pregnancy and booking blood pressure parameters in the next pregnancy significantly influenced the likelihood of recurrence, predominantly for gestational hypertension and less so for pre-eclampsia. No value for these parameters was significant enough to be clinically useful as a discriminate value predictive of recurrent pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension. Conclusions, Approximately 70% of women with pre-eclampsia or gestational hypertension will have a normotensive next pregnancy. The highest risk group for recurrent hypertension in pregnancy in this study was multiparous women with gestational hypertension. No readily available clinical or laboratory factor in the index pregnancy reliably predicts recurrence of pre-eclampsia. [source]


Congress, Kissinger, and the Origins of Human Rights Diplomacy

DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 5 2010
Barbara Keys
The Congressional "human rights insurgency" of 1973,1977 centered on the holding of public hearings to shame countries engaging in human rights abuses and on legislation cutting off aid and trade to violators. Drawing on recently declassified documents, this article shows that the State Department's thoroughly intransigent response to Congressional human rights legislation, particularly Section 502B, was driven by Kissinger alone, against the advice of his closest advisers. Many State Department officials, usually from a mixture of pragmatism and conviction, argued for cooperation with Congress or for taking the initiative on human rights issues. Kissinger's adamant refusal to cooperate left Congress to implement a reactive, punitive, and unilateral approach that would set the human rights agenda long after the Ford administration left office. [source]