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Social Order (social + order)
Selected AbstractsStructured Looseness: Everyday Social Order at an Israeli KindergartenETHOS, Issue 3 2006Deborah Golden In this article, I address notions of social order as these are conveyed to young children in an early education setting. On the basis of an ethnographic account of an Israeli kindergarten, I describe the routine structuring of everyday life at the kindergarten, as well as the ways in which this routine structuring was consistently undermined, primarily by the teacher herself. Specifically, the study shows how the relatively enfeebled routine structuring of daily life facilitated the emergence of alternative models of social order, namely, collective order and personal order embodied by the teacher. The interplay of structure and looseness discerned at the kindergarten is addressed in terms of the institutional distinctiveness of early education settings, as well as with reference to the Israeli sociocultural context. It is suggested that the study of the organization of daily life in early education settings may enrich our understanding of socialization into enduring perceptions of social order and of the sources of its legitimacy. [education, classroom ethnography, children, Israel, kindergarten] [source] The Department of Education Battle, 1918,1932: Public Schools, Catholic Schools, and the Social Order by Douglas J. SlawsonHISTORY OF EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2008NANCY TAYLOR No abstract is available for this article. [source] State Form, Social Order and the Social Sciences: Urban Space and Politico-Economic Systems 1760,1850JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2003Ann Firth She traces the origins of this impoverishment to the eradication of pre-industrial capitalist urban culture in the eighteenth century. The paper investigates the claim that English urban culture underwent a significant transformation in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth century. A concern with the public magnificence of London as a means of representing the wealth and power of England is characteristic of eighteenth century treatise on urban improvement. The most influential of which, John Gwynn's London and Westminster Improved, published in 1766, draws upon the spatial linkage of economy, government and power typical of mercantilist thought. The paper argues that as the principles and practices of mercantilism were displaced by the spread of industrial capitalism and the liberal state, a concern with grandeur, elegance and embellishment in urban form was subordinated to the provision of the physical and social infrastructure necessary for the reproduction of labour. [source] Faith in Our Neighbors: Networks and Social Order in Three Brazilian FavelasLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 1 2004Enrique Desmond Arias ABSTRACT After nearly 20 years of democratization, residents of Rio's favelas suffer high levels of civil and human rights abuse at the hands of both police and drug traffickers. The government is generally unable to guarantee the political order necessary to protect the rights of residents in these communities. Existing theories of democratization and advocacy networks offer little to explain how the types of endemic violence that affect poor neighborhoods in the developing world can be brought under control. Based on more than two years of participant observation and interviews in Rio de Janeiro, this article examines how democratic order can be extended to favelas. It argues that networks can link favela residents to organizations in civil society, and state actors can play a critical role in reducing violence and establishing democratic order. [source] Spatial Govemmentality and the New Urban Social Order: Controlling Gender Violence through LawAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 1 2001Sally Engle Merry The new urban social order depends on a complex combination of systems of punishment, discipline, and security. Scholars drawing on Foucault's analysis of the art and rationality of governance, or govemmentality, have explored how urban social orders are increasingly based on the governance of space rather than on the discipline of offenders or the punishment of offenses. The new urban social order is characterized by privatized security systems and consumer-policed spaces such as malls. Gender violence interventions represent another deployment of spatial forms of govemmentality. Over the last two decades, punishment of batterers has been augmented by disciplinary systems that teach batterers new forms of masculinity and by security systems for women based on spatial separation. In the postmodern city, spatial govemmentality is integrally connected with punishment and discipline. These new forms of governance circulate globally along with neoliberal ideas of the diminished state, [gender violence, govemmentality, urban society, globalization, law] [source] Law and Social OrderNOUS, Issue 2001Russell Hardin First page of article [source] The Renaissance of Marriage in Fifteenth-century Italy by Anthony F. D'Elia and Husbands, Wives and Concubines: Marriage, Family and Social Order in Sixteenth-century Verona by Emlyn EisenachRENAISSANCE STUDIES, Issue 3 2006Trevor Dean No abstract is available for this article. [source] FATHERS, SONS, AND THE STATE: Discipline and Punishment in a Wolof HinterlandCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 1 2009DONNA L. PERRY ABSTRACT This essay builds on fieldwork in rural Senegal to examine three cases in which elder household heads called on gendarmes to physically discipline rebellious youths. These cases, which revolved around harsh acts of corporal punishment, invite inquiry into common assumptions about African families and states. The first assumption is the common dichotomy drawn between African youths, portrayed as modern and menacing, and African elders, portrayed as "traditional" and hence benign. The second assumption is the dichotomy drawn between the African family, conceived as solidary and nurturing, and the African state, conceived as alien and predatory. In examining these cases of discipline and punishment, this essay reveals the ever-shifting power relations that link Wolof household heads, dependent junior males, and state agents, and simultaneously introduces new questions about the morality of farmer,state relations and generational conflict. My analysis reveals the spatial geography of Senegal's youth crisis, which takes different forms in rural and urban locales. The anxiety of rural patriarchs is fed by a fear-mongering media obsessed with youthful anarchy in the cities, and a long-standing political rhetoric about the threat of rural out-migration. Elder men in the countryside, who experience diminishing household authority under neoliberalism, make proactive efforts to keep the urban youth crisis at bay. They seek to augment their domestic power by reestablishing links with a state that has long bolstered patriarchy but whose power is currently in decline. By lending patriarchs their coercive force, gendarmes attempt to accomplish through private, indirect means, what the postcolonial state is unable to do: maintain social order by reining in disruptive youths. The harsh disciplinary measures that gendarmes employ are not alien to Wolof culture, but integral to Wolof conceptions of child rearing. [source] Longing for the Kollektiv: Gender, Power, and Residential Schools in Central SiberiaCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 4 2005Alexia Bloch Interpretations of post-Soviet subjectivities have tended to emphasize the ways in which subjects experience these with a sense of liberation from a monolithic socialist state; however, local responses to post-Soviet forms of power have varied widely. In the case of indigenous Siberians in the 1990s, an older generation of Evenk women expressed positive feelings about their experience as students in the Soviet-era residential schools that continue to shape their subjectivity in the post-Soviet present. Evenk subjectivities, as with those of other indigenous Siberians, have been significantly formed through the institution of the residential school and, by extension, through a range of interactions with state power as it has been locally remade and interpreted in the 1990s. In this article, I explore the widespread nostalgia associated with the residential school. Drawing on the narratives of elderly Evenk women, I argue that such expressions of Evenk nostalgia for the socialist era are a form of critique of the neoliberal logics emerging in Russia today. In this respect, Evenk women's accounts allow us to explore negotiations of power in a post-Soviet era and to examine how ideologies shape conceptions of self and the social order more broadly. [source] Standardizing Knowledge in a Multicultural SocietyCURRICULUM INQUIRY, Issue 1 2005CHRISTINE SLEETER ABSTRACT Across the United States, in an attempt to raise standards for student learning, states have developed curriculum standards that specify what students are to learn. Raising standards has become synonymous with standardizing curriculum. This study critically examines the reading/language arts and history-social science standards documents in California to explore how the standards movement has reconfigured codes of power, and in whose interests. To address this question, we used Bernstein's (1975) theory of codes of power in curriculum. Bernstein suggested that codes of power can be uncovered by examining how curriculum is classified and framed. Our analysis suggests that the state's curriculum standards fit within a political movement to reconfigure power relations among racial, ethnic, language, and social class groupings. This is not simply about trying to improve student learning, but more important, about reasserting who has a right to define what schools are for, whose knowledge has most legitimacy, and how the next generation should think about the social order and their place within it. [source] Imitation, Indwelling and the Embodied SelfEDUCATIONAL PHILOSOPHY AND THEORY, Issue 2 2007Stephen Burwood Abstract In this paper I argue that recent developments in higher education presuppose a conceptual framework that fails plausibly to account for indispensable aspects of educational experience,in particular that a university education is fundamentally a project of personal transformation within a particular social order. It fails, I suggest, primarily because it consists of mutually supporting but erroneous conceptualisations of knowledge and the human subject. In pursuit of transparency and codification we have seemingly forgotten education's existential dimension: that education is closely tied to questions of personal identity and the formation of character and that this is an embodied project. [source] Structured Looseness: Everyday Social Order at an Israeli KindergartenETHOS, Issue 3 2006Deborah Golden In this article, I address notions of social order as these are conveyed to young children in an early education setting. On the basis of an ethnographic account of an Israeli kindergarten, I describe the routine structuring of everyday life at the kindergarten, as well as the ways in which this routine structuring was consistently undermined, primarily by the teacher herself. Specifically, the study shows how the relatively enfeebled routine structuring of daily life facilitated the emergence of alternative models of social order, namely, collective order and personal order embodied by the teacher. The interplay of structure and looseness discerned at the kindergarten is addressed in terms of the institutional distinctiveness of early education settings, as well as with reference to the Israeli sociocultural context. It is suggested that the study of the organization of daily life in early education settings may enrich our understanding of socialization into enduring perceptions of social order and of the sources of its legitimacy. [education, classroom ethnography, children, Israel, kindergarten] [source] The ,Terrible Wednesday' of Pentecost: Confronting Urban and Princely Discourses in the Bruges Rebellion of 1436,1438HISTORY, Issue 305 2007JAN DUMOLYN On 22 May 1437 a violent disturbance of the social order occurred in Bruges. Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy, only narrowly escaped with his life, while Jean de Villiers, lord of L'Isle-Adam, was killed. Contradictory and competing accounts of these events have survived which illustrate princely and urban discourses on the Bruges rebellion of 1436,8. Careful analysis of these sources reveals that the social and political struggles between the centralizing dukes of Burgundy and their powerful and autonomous Flemish cities reflected a discursive struggle for the representation of political events. [source] FLORENTINE CIVIC HUMANISM AND THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN IDEOLOGYHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 3 2007HANAN YORAN ABSTRACT This article revisits the question of the modernity of the Renaissance by examining the political language of Florentine civic humanism and by critically analyzing the debate over Hans Baron's interpretation of the movement. It engages two debates that are usually conducted separately: one concerning the originality of civic humanism in comparison to medieval thought, and the other concerning the political and social function of the civic humanists' political republicanism in fifteenth-century Florence. The article's main contention is that humanist political discourse rejected the perception of social and political reality as being part of, or reflecting, a metaphysical and divine order or things, and thus undermined the traditional justifications for political hierarchies and power relations. This created the conditions of possibility for the distinctively modern aspiration for a social and political order based on liberty and equality. It also resulted in the birth of a distinctively modern form of ideology, one that legitimizes the social order by disguising its inequalities and structures of domination. Humanism, like modern political thought generally, thus simultaneously constructs and reflects the dialectic of emancipation and domination so central to modernity itself. [source] Family policy and social order , comparing the dynamics of family policy-making in Scandinavia and Confucian AsiaINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WELFARE, Issue 1 2003Ka Lin This article compares family policies in two Scandinavian and three Confucian Asian countries. Through a general survey on schemes of child allowance and parental leave, it seeks explaining factors for cross-regime diversity of the welfare systems. In focus are the agents affecting the family policy-making process, including social classes, the state, women and families. In order to assess the roles these agents have played, this study retraces the preconditions of family policy development and its associated socio-cultural backgrounds. Results from such an examination will illustrate how the social order determines the patterns of family policy, which offers a new path to travel to these different cultural ,worlds'. Taking the Confucian Asian states into its frame of reference, the study will take a fresh look at Scandinavian welfare systems, which still have some general implications for the study of the dynamics, model and outcome of family policy in an international context. [source] Counterpoints of care: two moments of struggleJOURNAL OF INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY RESEARCH, Issue 2010B. Gleeson Abstract This paper examines the history of care in modern society and seeks to expose how deep transformations in care arise from wider social relations. From historical survey we may discern a series of transitional points, where the practice and the experience of care was greatly, sometimes suddenly, redefined. Each betrayed deeper political and ethical struggles that went to the core of social relations, and which weren't merely therapeutic in nature. This paper explores two such ,moments'. I first examine the emergence of a new institutional landscape during the middle industrial era, in the wake of a series of legal and political reforms that sought to settle a social order uprooted and distressed by raw modernisation. I provide a composite, yet incomplete view, of how this transformation proceeded in one urban setting, colonial Melbourne. In the second instance, I review the ambitions and process of deinstitutionalisation in the late 20th century. Ostensibly, this reform sought, inter alia, to collapse the great division between ,fit' and ,unfit' established in 1834. Again, empirical reference is made to the reconstitution of care in Melbourne, Australia, this time during its late 20th experience of institutional reform. The focus in this case is the process of downscaling and closure for a major congregate facility, Kew Cottages. The major conclusion is that periods of intense transition in the ideology and mode of care are reflective of wider social transformations not merely of therapeutic or institutional shifts. [source] Beyond Balancing: Toward an Integrated Approach to Children's RightsJOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES, Issue 4 2008Gary B. Melton Discussions of children's rights often are framed in terms of balancing,balancing parents' and children's rights, balancing rights to autonomy and protection, balancing rights and responsibilities. By its nature, such a comparative inquiry pulls for relativist reasoning, but such an approach undermines the universalism that is at the root of the concept of human rights. Like the international human rights instruments that preceded it, the Convention on the Rights of the Child is based on "recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family." Whether grounded in religious or secular ethical reasoning, human rights are directed toward a world in which the Golden Rule,a regime of mutual respect,serves as the guidepost for the social order. Building from that premise, recommendations are offered for social scientists' contributions to creation and preservation of such societies. [source] Under the Law: Legal Consciousness and Radical Environmental ActivismLAW & SOCIAL INQUIRY, Issue 4 2009Erik D. Fritsvold A growing body of sociolegal scholarship focuses the study of law away from formal texts and legal institutions and toward the experiences and perceptions of "everyday" citizens. This study introduces seventeen "radical" environmentalists who engage a repertoire of tactics that includes some actions that involve relatively severe forms of illegality. This research seeks to investigate the role of civil disobedience and lawbreaking within the radical environmental movement and the corresponding legal consciousness of movement actors. Utilizing ethnographic fieldwork and content analysis, this analysis suggests that Ewick and Silbey's (1998) three-tiered model of legal consciousness is an operative starting point, but could be enhanced through theoretical expansion. This study proposes a new category of legal consciousness,Under the Law,that views the law as the protector and defender of a social order that is fundamentally illegitimate. Under the Law is qualitatively different from existing conceptualizations of legal consciousness and reaffirms the mutually constitutive nature of law and society. [source] Migrants as transnational development agents: an inquiry into the newest round of the migration,development nexusPOPULATION, SPACE AND PLACE (PREVIOUSLY:-INT JOURNAL OF POPULATION GEOGRAPHY), Issue 1 2008Thomas Faist Abstract Migrant networks and organisations have emerged as development agents. They interact with state institutions in flows of financial remittances, knowledge, and political ideas. In the discursive dimension, the new enthusiasm on the part of OECD states and international organisations, such as the World Bank, for migrant remittances, migrant associations and their role in development, is a sign of two trends which have coincided. Firstly, community as a principle of development has come to supplement principles of social order such as the market and the state. Secondly, in the current round of the migration,development nexus, migrants in general and transnational collective actors in particular have been constituted by states and international organisations as a significant agent. In the institutional dimension, agents such as hometown associations, networks of businesspersons, epistemic networks and political diasporas have emerged as collective actors. These formations are not unitary actors, and they are frequently in conflict with states and communities of origin. The analysis concludes with reflections of how national states structure the transnational spaces in which non-state actors are engaged in cross-border flows, leading towards a tight linkage between migration control, immigrant incorporation and development cooperation. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Untimeliness as Moral Indictment: Tamil Agricultural Labouring Women's Use of Lament as Life NarrativeTHE AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 2 2007Kalpana Ram How do Dalit women forge certain forms of critical perspectives in relation to their existence? This paper explores the very particular poetics that shape the women's responses to an invitation by the ethnographer to tell her their life stories. Their narratives made use of several dominant discourses in south India that ritually construct a woman's life as a teleology of an unfolding essence, an embodied force that comes into flower and fruition, and must be socially shaped and tended in order to bring about an auspicious confluence for both woman and the social order. The women also made use of the structure and tropes of several styles of performance that have tragedy at their emotional heart, and which gain their force against the normative construction of life cycle as temporality. By using these forms, women were able to bring into discourse several aspects of their experience of marriage that would otherwise gain no social recognition. In particular, they highlighted the prematurity of their marriage, having wed while still children themselves. The wider argument of this paper engages with two very different versions of agency,one predicated on the use of reason and consent by the individual, the other derived from an examination of the Dalit women's narratives. [source] Structures of feeling and socio-cultural formations: the significance of literature and experience to Raymond Williams's sociology of cultureTHE BRITISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2003Paul Filmer ABSTRACT Williams elaborates the concept of structures of feeling in different ways at important points in his writings. This gives it a particular methodological significance in relating the extraordinariness of imaginative literature to the ordinariness of cultural process. It is employed particularly to show the significance of literature for the articulation of alternatives to dominant world views, and thus to the politics of social change. Williams's different formulations of the concept are discussed in terms of their ways of relating reflexive experience to institutional structures and in relation to the genetic structuralism of Goldmann and Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and cultural field. Three types of criticisms are considered, which have in common the contention that the concept is unclear. Operationalized in analysing literature and its symbols, it can contribute towards clarification of the complexity of the processes of reflexive communication of experience which are at the root of social order and change. [source] ,You'll never walk alone': CCTV surveillance, order and neo-liberal rule in Liverpool city centre1THE BRITISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY, Issue 4 2000Roy Coleman ABSTRACT This paper is concerned to chart the establishment and uses of CCTV within the location of Liverpool city centre. In doing this the paper seeks to contextualize CCTV within contemporary ,partnership' approaches to regeneration which are reshaping the material and discursive form of the city. Thus CCTV schemes along with other security initiatives are understood as social ordering strategies emanating from within locally powerful networks which are seeking to define and enact orderly regeneration projects. In focusing on the normative aspects of CCTV, the paper raises questions concerning the efficacy of understanding contemporary forms of ,social ordering practices' primarily in terms of technical rationalities while neglecting other, more material and ideological processes involved in the construction of social order. [source] Murdered father; dead father: Revisiting the Oedipus complex,THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PSYCHOANALYSIS, Issue 4 2009Rosine J. Perelberg This paper recovers the notion of the sacrifice of sexuality as the central, tragic, element of the oedipal structure. This notion has been largely abandoned in the psychoanalytic literature that has tended to reduce the oedipal structure to processes of exclusion. The paper traces the development of the theoretical and clinical transformations of Freud,'s ideas on the role of the father and suggests that they allow us to more fully comprehend the Oedipus complex proposed by Freud. A paradox is explored: the killing of the father is, in Freud,'s view, the requirement for the creation of the social order which, from then on, prohibits all killings. The father, however, has to be killed metaphorically only, as the actual exclusion of the father lies at the origin of so many psychopathologies from violence to the psychoses and perversions. The paper analyses the fundamental asymmetry that is present in the Oedipal structure and suggests that the three elements of the oedipal triangle constitute the law (of the dead father, that institutes the sacrifice of sexuality), desire (for the lost object) and identification (with both father and mother). Two clinical examples are discussed. In the first, one can identify a perverse structure in which the father has been murdered; in the second, there is a progressive construction of the dead (symbolic) father in the analytic process. [source] Animal bells as symbols: sound and hearing in a Greek island villageTHE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 4 2003Panayotis Panopoulos This article deals with the cultural construction of sound and hearing in a mountain village in the Greek island of Naxos, in the Cyclades. The analysis is based on the ethnographic presentation and discussion of the cultural meanings and symbolism of animal bells. I further explore the relation of bells and their sound to the issues of social reproduction and the cultural constitution of social order. By focusing on the indigenous conceptualizations of sound and noise and the metaphoric language concerning the sense of hearing, I also consider some wider aspects of sound, sound symbolism, and hearing in this community. [source] The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon BrownTHE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2008DAVID MARQUAND Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ,Whig imperialist', ,Tory nationalist', ,democratic collectivist' and ,democratic republican'. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early-1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co-ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945-51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self-government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety-odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more-or-less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment. [source] Front and Back Covers, Volume 22, Number 5.ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY, Issue 5 2006October 200 Front and back cover caption, volume 22 issue 5 Front cover Kayapo men of Brazilian Amazonia dance at a meeting of all Kayapo villages held in March 2006 with the aim of forging a united movement against the encroachment of agribusiness and large-scale development projects into the Xingú river valley. Up to the time of this meeting the widely dispersed Kayapo communities had never joined together as a single political organization under a common leadership. That they were able to do so at this meeting owed much to their ability to draw upon their shared tradition of collective ritual dance performances, which serve as the principal means of reproducing the social and political structures of their separate villages. At the meeting, held at the Kayapo village of Piaraçu on the Xingú, members of rival communities with mutually suspicious leaders joined in dances such as this one, drawn from the ritual for war, that expressed their solidarity in opposition to the common external threat. For the general audience, periodic interludes of dancing also provided a dramatic way of showing solidarity with one another and jointly expressing support for the orators, who were mostly leaders of the different communities. The meeting closed with a new ritual created for the occasion that began with a collective dance and culminated in a rite symbolizing the new level of common chiefly authority and leadership, encompassing Kayapo society as a whole, that had been created at the meeting. Back cover COMPETITIVE HUMANITARIANISM The back cover of this issue shows a detail from a map of ,Humanitarian actors involved in tsunami-related activities in Sri Lanka'. This excerpt lists but a few dozen of the many hundreds of agencies competing to provide relief in the wake of the tsunami that hit Sri Lanka in December 2004. In most disasters, a major problem facing relief agencies is a lack of resources. In the case of the 2004 tsunami, however, agencies were forced into competition with each other for effective distribution of an embarrassment of riches. Yet this distribution had to be in line with international standards, and needed to meet the requirements of those who had donated to the various appeals in other parts of the world and had specific ideas of what constituted relief. The result was an over-concentration on the visible and the photogenic rather than the arguably more important work of rebuilding institutions and social networks. As well as needing to meet international standards, relief agencies were subject to the bureaucratic requirements that they should expend their resources in an accountable fashion. Their slow reaction opened the way for a plethora of small and inexperienced organizations (and individuals) to enter the relief business. The aid they dispensed was often poorly directed and technically inferior, but the visibility of their operations prompted an easy criticism of the more ponderous activities of the larger relief organisations. While ready availability of resources marked out the tsunami relief effort from most other disasters, what seems to characterize aid operations in the wake of such disasters is a high degree of competition between relief agencies, and a continual call for a greater degree of co-ordination between relief organizations. Yet competitive pressures mean that co-ordination is unlikely to be attainable over more than the short term. From an anthropological point of view the following paradox is worthy of study: while philanthropy can be seen as the antithesis of self-interest, philanthropic organisations are inherently part of a self-interested, market-orientated social order. What starts out as a ,free gift' from the public of Europe, Asia or elsewhere ends up as a commodity in the marketplace of competitive humanitarianism. [source] South Africa's Current Transition in Temporal and Spatial ContextANTIPODE, Issue 2 2000Alan Leater This article analyses South Africa's current postapartheid transition in the light of earlier transformations of its social and economic order. The first of these prior transformations is the abolition of slavery and the shift to liberal capitalism, which took place in the early nineteenth century. The second is the rapid industrialization of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Each of these transformations, as well as the current transition, is explained as being partly the outcome of a broad shift in capitalist practice, innovated in the metropoles of the global economy. Due to South Africa's situation within global economic networks, each of these shifts, at different times, raised the threat of a dislocation in South Africa's prevailing social order. However, each prior transformation and, it will be argued, the current transition, has been ,managed' by established elites so as to ensure minimal change to the overall distribution of privilege. This conservative ,management' of shifts in capitalist practice, it is suggested, has been facilitated through South African elites' historic engagement with cultural discourses circulating across a global terrain. In this article then, contemporary South Africa is located within both material and discursive networks which have historically influenced the country's distribution of privilege. [source] The Breadwinner, his Wife and their Welfare: Identity, Expertise and Economic Security in Australian Post-War ReconstructionAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 4 2004Ann Firth The architects of Australian post-war reconstruction had learned from the experience of the Depression that subordinating the social order to economic objectives could have disastrous results. In Australia as elsewhere, interwar political and civic institutions were not sufficiently robust to protect society from the instability of a system based on the economically rational choices of individual entrepreneurs. High unemployment, which had characterised the interwar years and reached catastrophic levels in the Depression, convinced the architects of post-war reconstruction that new political institutions were necessary. The civil and political institutions they attempted to create were expressed in a particular anthropology constituted around their own identity as experts and the identities of the entrepreneur, the breadwinner and his wife. [source] Cell adhesion system and human cancer morphogenesisCANCER SCIENCE, Issue 7 2003Setsuo Hirohashi Cell-cell adhesion determines the polarity of cells and participates in the maintenance of the cell societies called tissues. Cell-cell adhesiveness is generally reduced in human cancers. Reduced intercellular adhesiveness allows cancer cells to disobey the social order, resulting in destruction of histological structure, which is the morphological hallmark of malignant tumors. Reduced intercellular adhesiveness is also indispensable for cancer invasion and metastasis. A tumor-suppressor gene product, E-cadherin, and its undercoat proteins, catenins, which connect cadherins to actin filaments, are located at lateral borders, concentrating on adherens junctions, of epithelial cells and establish firm cell-cell adhesion. The E-cadherin cell adhesion system in cancer cells is inactivated by various mechanisms that reflect the morphological and biological characteristics of the tumor. Silencing of the E-cadherin gene by DNA hypermethylation around the promoter region occurs frequently, even in precancerous conditions. In diffuse infiltrating cancers, mutations are found in the genes for E-cadherin and ,-and ,-catenins. At the invading front of cancers, the E-cadherin cell adhesion system is inactivated by tyrosine phosphorylation of ,-catenin; an oncogene product, c- erb B-2 protein, is found to associate directly with ,-catenin. The E-cadherin cell adhesion system cross-talks with the Wingless/Wnt signaling pathway through ,-catenin, and expression of genes, which participate in cancer morphogenesis, may be regulated in conjunction with the Wingless/Wnt signaling pathway. Dysadherin, a newly identified cancer-associated cell membrane glycoprotein, down-regulates E-cadherin and promotes cancer metastasis. In conclusion, inactivation of the E-cadherin cell adhesion system by both genetic and epigenetic mechanisms plays a significant role during multistage human carcinogenesis. [source] Spatial Govemmentality and the New Urban Social Order: Controlling Gender Violence through LawAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 1 2001Sally Engle Merry The new urban social order depends on a complex combination of systems of punishment, discipline, and security. Scholars drawing on Foucault's analysis of the art and rationality of governance, or govemmentality, have explored how urban social orders are increasingly based on the governance of space rather than on the discipline of offenders or the punishment of offenses. The new urban social order is characterized by privatized security systems and consumer-policed spaces such as malls. Gender violence interventions represent another deployment of spatial forms of govemmentality. Over the last two decades, punishment of batterers has been augmented by disciplinary systems that teach batterers new forms of masculinity and by security systems for women based on spatial separation. In the postmodern city, spatial govemmentality is integrally connected with punishment and discipline. These new forms of governance circulate globally along with neoliberal ideas of the diminished state, [gender violence, govemmentality, urban society, globalization, law] [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||