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Representation System (representation + system)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	75%

Selected Abstracts

Electoral Systems in Latin America: Explaining the Adoption of Proportional Representation Systems During the Twentieth Century

LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 3 2009
Laura Wills-Otero
ABSTRACT This article explains the twentieth-century Latin American shift from majoritarian to proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. It argues that PR was introduced when the electoral arena changed significantly and threatened the power of the dominant party. The adoption of PR was therefore an effort by the established party to retain partial power in the face of absolute defeat. Majoritarian systems remained in place when the incumbent party was strong enough to believe that it could gain a plurality of the votes despite electoral changes. An empirical analysis of 20 countries over 104 years (1900,2004) provides support for this argument. [source]

Growth in women's political representation: A longitudinal exploration of democracy, electoral system and gender quotas

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2010
PAMELA PAXTON
The expansion of women's formal political representation ranks among the most significant trends in international politics of the last 100 years. Though women made steady political progress, substantial country-level variation exists in patterns of growth and change. In this article, longitudinal theories are developed to examine how political factors affect women's political representation over time. Latent growth curve models are used to assess the growth of women in politics in 110 countries from 1975 to 2000. The article investigates how electoral systems, national-level gender quotas and growth of democracy , both political rights and civil liberties , impact country-level trajectories of women's legislative representation. It is found: first, national quotas do affect women's political presence, but at a lower level than legislated by law; second, the impact of a proportional representation system on women's political representation is steady over time; and third, democracy, especially civil liberties, does not affect the level of women's political representation in the earliest period, but does influence the growth of women's political representation over time. These findings both reinforce and challenge prior cross-sectional models of women's political representation. [source]

Memory function in normal aging

ACTA NEUROLOGICA SCANDINAVICA, Issue 2003
Lars-Göran Nilsson
Basic findings obtained on memory functions in normal aging are presented and discussed with respect to five separate but interacting memory systems. These systems are: episodic memory, semantic memory, short-term memory, perceptual representation system and procedural memory. All available evidence from cross-sectional research shows that there is a linear, decreasing memory performance as a function of age for episodic memory. Longitudinal studies suggest, however, that this age deficit may be an overestimation, by showing a relatively stable performance level up to middle age, followed by a sharp decline. Studies on semantic memory, short-term memory, perceptual representation system, and procedural memory show a relatively constant performance level across the adult life span, although some tasks used to assess short-term memory and procedural memory have revealed an age deficit. Disregarding the mixed results for these latter two memory systems, it can be concluded that episodic memory is unique in showing an age deficit. Episodic memory is also unique in the sense that it is the only memory system showing gender differences in performance throughout the adult life span with a significantly higher performance for women. [source]

Public Opinion as a Constraint against War: Democracies' Responses to Operation Iraqi Freedom

FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 2 2006
STEVE CHAN
A central logic of the democratic peace theory claims that public opinion acts as a powerful restraint against war. Democratic officials, unlike their autocratic counterparts, are wary of going to war because they expect to pay an electoral penalty for fighting even successful wars. Several democracies, however, recently joined Operation Iraqi Freedom despite substantial and even overwhelming domestic opposition. We argue that electoral institutions can heighten or lessen the impact of public opinion on democratic officials' concerns for their reelection prospects, thus pointing to an important dimension of variation that has been overlooked in the democratic peace literature. However, contrary to conventional attributions of a greater incentive motivating the parties and candidates in predominantly two-party systems with majority/plurality decision rules to respond to national public opinion, we suggest mitigating factors that tend to reduce such responsiveness. Conversely, we point out that multiparty competition in proportional representation systems can reduce electoral disproportionality without sacrificing responsiveness to public opinion. The pertinent electoral institutions therefore present varying opportunities (or, conversely, constraints) for democratic officials to override their constituents' sentiments when they are so inclined. [source]