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Provincial Governments (provincial + government)
Selected AbstractsThe geographies of crisis: exploring accessibility to health care in CanadaTHE CANADIAN GEOGRAPHER/LE GEOGRAPHE CANADIEN, Issue 3 2002KATHLEEN WILSON There is increasing concern in Canada that the health care system is in a state of crisis. It is argued that reductions in federal government transfers to the provinces have resulted in a health care system characterized by under-funding in key areas and policy decisions based more on provincial fiscal concerns than the health needs of their constituents. Provincial governments have responded to reduced levels in federal funding by undertaking aggressive restructuring tactics such as the closure of hospitals and the deinsuring of medical services from provincial health plans. The end result of this restructuring, as argued by the media, consumer groups and indeed some health researchers, is a state of crisis' (i.e., lower levels of accessibility, long waiting lists, overcrowding in hospitals and increasing costs of medication). One crisis theme often mentioned is that fiscal decisions of various kinds are reducing economic and geographic accessibility, one of the five principles of the Canada Health Act (CHA) that defines the very essence of the Canadian health care system. Using data from the 1998-99 National Population Health Survey (NPHS), this paper explores the extent to which an accessibility crisis exists within the Canadian health care system by examining access to health care services and the barriers encountered in trying to access services in each of the ten provinces. The results show that approximately 6.0 percent of Canadians report access problems, with values ranging from 4.5 percent in Newfoundland to 8.3 percent in Manitoba. Regional variations in barriers to accessing care were also observed. In particular, geographic accessibility appears to be a main barrier to care in Atlantic Canada while economic accessibility emerges as a main barrier to care in Western Canada. We discuss these findings in the context of the current debates on the Canadian health care system ,crisis'. De plus en plus de Canadiens s'inquiétent que leur systéme de soins de santé soit en état de crise. On défend l'idée selon laquelle la réduction des paiements de transfert aux provinces par le gouvernement fédéral serait responsable de l'état d'un systeme de santé caractérisé par un sous-financement dans les domaines-clés et des décisions politiques de santé basées, non pas sur les besoins des membres de la société canadienne, mais sur la fiscalité provinciale. Les gouvernements provinciaux ont réagi à la réduction du financement fédéral par une tactique de restructuration agressive (fermeture d'hôpitaux et retrait de services médicaux des programmes d'assurance de santé provinciaux). Selon les médias, les groupes de consommateurs et même les chercheurs en soins de santé, cette restructuration a eu pour effet un système en état de ,crise' (diminution de l'aecès aux services, longues fetes d'attente, hôpitaux surchargés, augmentation des coûts des médicaments etc). Un des thèmes récurrent est celui des décisions flscales de toutes sortes qui entraînent une baisse de l'accessibilité financière et géographique. Cette accessibilité est pourtant un des cinq principes de la Loi canadienne sur la santé définissant l'essence même du système de santé au Canada. Utilisant les données tirèes de l'Enquête nationale sur la santé de la population, 1998-99 et examinant l'accès aux services de santé et les obstacles rencontrés dans les 10 provinces canadiennes, cet article évalue dans quelle mesure une crise d'accessibilité existe au sein du système de santé canadien. Les résultats démontrent qu'environ 6.0 pour cent des Canadiens ont rencontré des problèmes d'accessibilité, avec des variantes allant de 4.5 pour cent à Terre-Neuve jusqu'à 8.3 pour cent au Manitoba. On observe aussi des variantes régionales dans les obstacles rencontrés. L'accessibilité géographique en particulier semble un obstacle mqjeur dans les régions de l'Atlantique, alors que l'accessibilite financière semble être un obstacle majeur dans l'Ouest du Canada. Ces résultats sont présentés dans le contexte des débats actuels sur l'existence dune, ,crise' dans le système de santé au Canada. [source] Calling capital: call centre strategies in New Brunswick and New ZealandGLOBAL NETWORKS, Issue 2 2002Wendy Larner This article compares government promoted call centre initiatives in New Zealand and New Brunswick, Canada, thereby identifying differing policies and practices associated with ,globalization'. Both New Brunswick and New Zealand are small resource based economies in which policy makers aspire to attract foreign investment into call centres as a new means of economic growth and job creation. However there are significant differences between the two call centre strategies. In New Brunswick the provincial government plays a central role, most notably through the use of incentives to lure companies to the province but also through the coordination of education and training. In New Zealand an informal network made up of public and private sector actors drives the strategy, and the relevant government agency (Trade NZ) plays only a coordinating role. Despite these differences both call centre strategies aspire to link service sector activities into global flows and networks, and foster low wage and feminized forms of employment. [source] Differentiating indigenous citizenship: Seeking multiplicity in rights, identity, and sovereignty in CanadaAMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 1 2009CAROLE BLACKBURN ABSTRACT In this article, I examine how citizenship has been legally differentiated and conceptually reconfigured in recent treaty negotiations between the Nisga'a First Nation, the provincial government of British Columbia, and the Canadian federal government. The Nisga'a have sought a form of differentiated citizenship in Canada on the basis of rights that flow from their relationship to their lands and their identity as a political community. They have challenged the state as the sole source of rights and achieved a realignment in the relationship between their rights as aboriginal people, Canadian citizenship, and the Canadian state. [citizenship, aboriginal rights, sovereignty, nation-state, Nisga'a, Canada] [source] The Privatization of Health Care Cleaning Services in Southwestern British Columbia, Canada: Union Responses to Unprecedented Government ActionsANTIPODE, Issue 3 2006Marcy Cohen This paper analyzes the political dynamics between a newly elected, right-leaning provincial government and a left-leaning public sector union that resulted in the privatization of 4000 health support housekeeping jobs in southwestern British Columbia in less than a year. The article documents how government set the stage for privatization, the struggle that ensued when the union resisted concessionary bargaining, and the new challenges that emerged for both union and management once housekeeping and other support services were taken over by multi-national service corporations. This case is significant because the size and scope of this privatization and the legislation that facilitated it are unprecedented in Canadian history. [source] FISCAL DECENTRALIZATION AND THE BUSINESS CYCLE: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF SEVEN FEDERATIONSECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 1 2010JONATHAN RODDEN Although fiscal policies of central governments sometimes provide modest insurance against regional income shocks, this paper shows that procyclical fiscal policy among provincial governments can easily overwhelm these stabilizing effects. We examine the cyclicality of budget items among provincial governments in seven federations, showing that own-source taxes are generally highly procyclical, and contrary to common wisdom, revenue sharing and discretionary transfers are either acyclical or procyclical. Constituent governments are thus left alone to smooth their own shocks, and we document the extent to which various restraints on borrowing and saving undermine their ability to do so. The resulting procyclicality of provincial fiscal policy is likely to have important implications in a world where demands for countercyclical fiscal policy are increasing but considerable fiscal responsibilities are being devolved to subnational governments. [source] The Interface of Globalization and Peripheral Land in the Cities of the South: Implications for Urban Governance and Local Economic DevelopmentINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2007RAMIN KEIVANI Abstract This essay examines the impact of globalization on land peripheral to large cities of the south. It identifies such land as providing major arenas for contested claims between the requirements of international firms and those of local inhabitants and businesses, entailing both threats and opportunities in terms of local economic development. Much depends on the urban governance and institutional processes surrounding the use and allocation of land that are themselves directly influenced by the globalization process. In many cities national, state or provincial governments have set up special parastatal organizations with substantial funding and significant decision-making powers over infrastructure development and land use to facilitate the rebirth of their cities as havens for international investment. In the process local municipalities and the local population are often excluded from the decision-making process, while being left to cope with the aftermath and maintenance of the grand projects. The essay identifies weaknesses in elite governance models usually centred at the state or national levels, and asks if a better alternative may be a local government-led ,inclusive leadership' model capable of clear leadership, greater coordination of different governance layers and inclusion of local actors. Résumé Cet essai étudie l'impact de la mondialisation sur les terrains situés à la périphérie des grandes villes du Sud. Il identifie ces terrains comme des scènes majeures de contradiction entre les besoins des multinationales et les revendications des entreprises et habitants locaux, ce qui créent à la fois menaces et opportunités en termes d'expansion économique locale. Le résultat dépend largement des processus institutionnels et de gouvernance urbaine qui entourent l'utilisation et l'affectation des terrains, processus eux-mêmes directement influencés par la mondialisation. Dans de nombreuses villes, les organes de gouvernement nationaux, étatiques ou provinciaux ont créé des entités para-étatiques spécialisées, dotées de fonds et de pouvoirs décisionnels considérables en matière d'aménagement des infrastructures et d'occupation des sols, afin de réinstaurer leur ville en terre d'accueil de l'investissement international. Or, les municipalités et populations locales sont souvent exclues du processus de décision alors qu'on les laisse assumer les conséquences et la maintenance des grands projets. L'article repère les faiblesses des modèles de gouvernance par les élites, généralement centrés aux niveaux de l'Etat ou de la nation, et se demande si un modèle de ,leadership inclusif' sous la houlette du gouvernement ne serait pas une meilleure alternative, permettant un leadership clair, une meilleure coordination des différentes strates de gouvernance et l'intégration des acteurs locaux. [source] Limits of the Appeal to Internet in Accessing Information and Training in the Exercise of Parenting Skills in QuebecJOURNAL OF COMPUTER-MEDIATED COMMUNICATION, Issue 2 2008François Larose In this article, we define the concept of digital gap as a multidimensional construct, and account for the contradictory relations stated in the scientific literature concerning the appeal to Internet by the more or less privileged strata of society. We explore the state of the digital gap and analyze diverse policies implemented by federal and provincial governments to support accessibility to digital resources in Quebec. After presenting results of a survey with parents concerning access to information and training in the exercise of parenting skills, we analyze these data in accordance with factors associated with the digital gap. We conclude by underlining the danger of compensation policies for the most vulnerable strata of society when government services are placed online. [source] Diversifying revenue sources in Canada: Are women's voluntary organizations different?NONPROFIT MANAGEMENT & LEADERSHIP, Issue 1 2005Mary K. Foster Government policies in Canada have taken a hard right turn, and tax cuts now have priority over investing in social programming. Both federal and provincial governments have been withdrawing from direct service provision, with the expectation that the voluntary sector will fill the gap. At the same time, traditional government support for the voluntary sector has declined, which limits the ability of organizations to meet their current service demands. Using a sample of 645 organizations from across Canada, this article explores the use of revenue diversification as a response to policy changes. The findings indicate that the factors related to voluntary organizations' in Canada embracing revenue diversification to support program delivery differ for organizations run by women and nongendered organizations. [source] Canadian Agricultural Programs and Policy in TransitionCANADIAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, Issue 4 2008Andrew Schmitz Canada does not have an agricultural policy, rather it has agricultural programs. The history of price and income stabilization programs is discussed along with supply management. Programs for the grains and oilseeds sectors have witnessed major changes while supply management has not. Canadian agricultural policy falls under the responsibility of both federal and provincial governments. As a result, farmers in Alberta, for example, receive far greater assistance than farmers in Saskatchewan. Under the new Canadian farm program (CAIS) large payments have been made to Canadian farmers even though many of the farmers who applied for CAIS payments received none. Le Canada ne possède pas de politique agricole, mais plutôt des programmes agricoles. Le présent article porte sur l'histoire du programme de stabilisation du revenu, du programme de stabilisation des prix et de la gestion de l'offre. Contrairement à la gestion de l'offre, les programmes destinés aux secteurs des céréales et des oléagineux ont subi des modifications importantes. La politique agricole canadienne relève des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux. Par conséquent, les agriculteurs de l'Alberta, par exemple, reçoivent une aide supérieure à celle accordée aux agriculteurs de la Saskatchewan. Dans le cadre du nouveau Programme canadien de stabilisation du revenu agricole (PCSRA), certains producteurs ont reçu des paiements importants alors que de nombreux autres producteurs ayant fait une demande n'ont rien reçu. [source] A spatial analysis of provincial corporate income tax responses: evidence from CanadaCANADIAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS, Issue 3 2007Sotiris Karkalakos Abstract., Using a model of interdependent tax choices, and accounting for equalization entitlements and general transfers, this paper estimates , making use of a spatial econometric framework , corporate income tax-setting functions for all Canadian provincial governments. The results show that there is a statistically significant positive fiscal interaction among a subset of provinces and between all provinces and the federal government. Provincial corporate income taxes are also found to be negatively related to equalization entitlements, general federal transfers, and the federal corporate income tax. A robustness check on the fiscal relationship between Ontario and Quebec verifies the existence of significant bi-directional fiscal interdependencies. The paper also introduces U.S state corporate income taxes as covariates and examines their interaction with Canadian provinces. A l'aide d'un modèle de choix fiscaux interdépendants, et en tenant compte des paiements de péréquation et des transferts généraux, ce texte calibre ,à l'aide d'un cadre économétrique spatial , les fonctions de définition de fiscalité des revenus de sociétés de tous les gouvernements provinciaux canadiens. Les résultats montrent qu'il y a un effet d'interaction positif significatif entre un sous-ensemble de provinces, et entre les provinces dans leur ensemble et le gouvernement fédéral. Les impôts sur le revenu des sociétés des provinces sont co-reliés négativement avec les paiements de péréquation, les transferts généraux, et l'impôt fédéral sur le revenu des sociétés. Des tests de robustesse montrent qu'il y a relation d'interdépendance fiscale bidirectionnelle significative entre le Québec et l'Ontario. Le mémoire introduit les impôts sur le revenu des sociétés aux Etats-Unis comme co-variables et examine leur interaction avec ce qui se passe dans les provinces canadiennes. [source] Government debt spillovers and creditworthiness in a federationCANADIAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS, Issue 3 2000Stuart Landon Estimates are presented for the impact of debt accumulation by the central and subcentral governments of a federation on the creditworthiness of other federation member governments. The estimates, calculated using an ordered probit model and Canadian provincial data, indicate that debt accumulation by the central government has reduced the creditworthiness of indebted provincial governments. Interprovincial debt accumulation effects are negative but relatively small, except for the debt of the largest province, which has a strong positive effect on the creditworthiness of the other provinces. These findings may have implications for other federations and associated jurisdictions, such as the European Union. JEL Classification: H63, F36 Les effets de retombée de la dette gouvernementale et la cote de crédit dans une fédération. On calcule l'impact de l'accumulation de la dette par les gouvernements fédéral et sub-fédéraux dans une fédération sur la cote de crédit des autres gouvernements de la fédération. Ces calibrations, à l'aide d'un modèle probit en utilisant les données provinciales canadiennes, montrent que l'accumulation de la dette par le gouvernement central a réduit la cote de crédit des gouvernements provinciaux endettés. Les effets trans-provinciaux de l'accumulation de la dette sont négatifs mais relativement faibles, sauf dans le cas de la province la plus grande, laquelle a un fort effet sur la cote de crédit des autres provinces. Ces résultats peuvent avoir des implications pour d'autres fédérations comme l'Union Européenne. [source] The challenge of change: Canadian universities in the 21st centuryCANADIAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION/ADMINISTRATION PUBLIQUE DU CANADA, Issue 2 2002David M. Cameron It was a crisis of numbers, brought on by a rising participation rate and the postwar Baby Boom. The response, led initially by the federal government, was to enlarge the university system, and later the entire postsecondary sector, very rapidly through the 1950s and 1960s. In the process of rapid growth, universities changed dramatically, becoming much more democratic and laissez-faire in their management. Then came a prolonged period of restraint, as provincial governments regained a measure of control and the public became sceptical of the benefits accruing from rapidly rising expenditures in the face of tight fiscal circumstances and competing demands. University faculty attempted to secure their earlier gains through unionization and collective bargaining. The upshot, as was predicted, was that universities became much more rigid organizations, resistant to managed change, and focused on the self-interest of faculty members. We now confront a new and very different environment and face the challenges and opportunities associated with a knowledge-based economy, with its reliance on research and innovation, and its demand for a highly educated workforce. The federal government is using its new-found surpluses to invest heavily in university-based research and development. The challenge is whether universities, constrained by cumbersome and self-serving decision rules and procedures, now secured in union contracts, can respond appropriately to the new opportunities. Sommaire: Les universités ont connu une crise dans les années qui ont immédiatement suivi la guerre. C'était une crise d'éffectifs, cauée par un taux de fréquentation en hausse et par le baby-boom de l'après-guerre. La réaction initiale du gouvemement fédéral pendant les années 1950 et 1960, a été de développer très rapidement le système universitaire et plus tard tout le secteur post-secondaire. Au cours de cette croissance rapide, les universités ont changé considérablement, devenant plus democratiques et plus souples dans leur administration. Il y a eu ensuite une période de restriction prolongée, où les gouvemements provinciaux ont retrouvé un certain contrôle et le public devint sceptique au sujet des avantages découlant de dépenses croissantes pour faire face à une conjoncture de resserrement budgétaire et à une concurrence acharnée. Le corps professoral universitaire essaya de protéger les gains qu'il avait obtenus précédemment par la syndicalisation et la négotiation collective. Le résultat, comme cela était prévu, c'est que les universités sont devenues des organismes beaucoup plus rigides, résistants aux changements de gestion et axés sur l'intérêt personnel des membres du corps professoral. Nous nous trouvons aujourd'hui dans une conjoncture nouvelle et très différente. Nous devons maintenant relever les défis et tirer parti des possibilités que nous offre une économie axée sur le savoir, qui compte sur la recherche et l'innovation, et sur une main-d'æuvre hautement instruite. Le gouvernement fédéral se sert de ses surplus récents pour investir considérablement dam la recherche et le développement universitaires. Le défi est de savoir si les universités, assujetties à des régles et procédures difficiles à appliquer, intéressés, et protégées par les conventions syndicales, sauront tirer pleinement parti de nouvelles opportunités. [source] |