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Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	75%

Selected Abstracts

The Spatially Splintered State: Myths and Realities in the Regulation of Marine Fisheries in Tamil Nadu, India

DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 4 2003
Maarten Bavinck
The spatial dimension of law is a neglected field of study. This article responds to suggestions that have been made to develop a ,geography of law', and investigates expressions of State-centred law regarding common pool natural resources. It asks how variations in law between lower-level territorial units are to be explained in situations where patterns of resource exploitation are similar and the overarching State proclaims an even approach. To explore these issues, the article focuses on a case study of Tamil Nadu marine fisheries. Comparing the reality of State regulation in different coastal districts, the author argues that the State occupies a relatively weak position vis-à-vis user groups, and strives to maximize its legitimacy by adapting to local political circumstances. The end result is a legal patchwork with strong spatial connotations. [source]

Psoralen and ultraviolet A and narrow-band ultraviolet B in inducing stability in vitiligo, assessed by vitiligo disease activity score: an open prospective comparative study

JOURNAL OF THE EUROPEAN ACADEMY OF DERMATOLOGY & VENEREOLOGY, Issue 10 2007
A Bhatnagar
Abstract Background Vitiligo is a common pigmentary disorder with great cosmetic and psychological morbidity and an unpredictable course. No treatment available is a definitive cure. Systemic psoralen and ultraviolet A (PUVA) has been the mainstay of treatment. Narrow-band UVB (NBUVB) was later introduced. In this study, we have compared the phototherapy modalities PUVA and NBUVB in inducing stability in vitiligo, assessed by using vitiligo disease activity score (VIDA), for the first time. Aims To investigate the position of NBUVB vis-à-vis PUVA in terms of stability achieved during therapy as indicated by the VIDA scores. Subjects and methods It was an open, prospective study of 50 patients divided equally in PUVA and NBUVB groups. The study period was from January 2004 to June 2005. This study was done as a part of a larger project to compare the efficacy of mentioned modalities in degree of repigmentation. Results In the NBUVB group, disease activity was present in 40% patients before commencement of therapy, which was reduced to 16% at the end of therapy (statistically significant, P = 0.049). In the PUVA group, similar figures were 20% and 16%, respectively. In the NBUVB group, 50% of patients whose disease was active prior to commencement of therapy had less than 50% repigmentation, whereas an equal number of patients had repigmentation of more than 50%. Almost an equal number of stable patients had less than and more than 50% repigmentation. In the PUVA group, 4 of the 5 (80%) patients who had active disease had less than 50% repigmentation, whereas only 1 patient (20%) with active disease obtained more than 50% repigmentation. The time to attain stability was 3.6 ± 2.1 months in the NBUVB group and 3.22 ± 3.1 months in the PUVA group. Eight of the 10 (80%) patients with unstable disease in the NBUVB group achieved stability, whereas 2 of the 5 (40%) patients of similar pre-treatment status in the PUVA group achieved stability. Conclusion NBUVB was in a more statistically advantageous position vis-à-vis PUVA, in respect to stability achieved and efficacy in both active and stable disease in a comparable time period. [source]

How Can the United States Take the Initiative in the Current North Korean Nuclear Crisis?

PACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 2 2005
Jin H. Pak
On September 19, 2005, the last day of the fourth round of six-party talks, a deal was announced in which North Korea pledged to end its nuclear program in return for a number of concessions. Within 24 hours of that announcement, North Korea clarified its position by stating that the United States "should not even dream" it would dismantle its nuclear weapons until it receives a light-water nuclear reactor. Despite four rounds of six-party talks over a three year period, it seems that almost no real progress has been made, except for North Korea; US intelligence officials estimate that North Korea could have made as many as 8 or 9 nuclear weapons already. So it seems North Korea has cleverly increased its bargaining position vis-à-vis the United States. As lengthy negotiations over the provision of a Light Water Reactor (LWR) will undoubtedly ensue, it can use that time to steadily increase its nuclear deterrent. Why did the United States agree to this sub-optimal outcome? Why was it so difficult for the United States to exert more influence on North Korea and the other countries in the six-party talks? The answer to these questions lies in the changing trends affecting Northeast Asian security dynamics. For various reasons that this article will explain, these trends affect the ability of the United States to take the initiative in the ongoing North Korean nuclear crisis. As long as the United States fails to account for various changes in Northeast Asian regional dynamics, its strategy will to deter North Korea from continuing its nuclear program will not succeed. [source]

Interest Group Strategies: Navigating Between Privileged Access and Strategies of Pressure

POLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 4 2005
Anne Binderkrantz
The literature often contrasts interest groups possessing insider status and outsider groups forced to seek influence through more indirect means. Drawing on data from a survey of all national Danish interest groups, this article demonstrates that most groups have an action repertoire including both direct contacts to bureaucrats and parliamentarians and indirect activities such as media campaigns and mobilizations of members. Different strategies of influence are correlated positively, hence, there is no contradiction between pursuing strategies associated with insider access to decision-making and strategies where pressure is put on decision makers through media contacts and mobilizations. An analysis of four distinct strategies , an administrative, a parliamentary, a media and a mobilization strategy , finds interesting variations in the factors that affect the pursuance of the various strategies of influence. Groups with a privileged position vis-à-vis decision makers have high levels of activities targeting these decision makers, but the lack of a privileged position does not lead groups to pursue indirect strategies. Indirect strategies are most intensively pursued by cause groups and groups who find themselves in a competitive situation with regard to attracting members. [source]