Palestinian Conflict (palestinian + conflict)

Distribution by Scientific Domains


Selected Abstracts


Support for religio-political aggression among teenaged boys in Gaza: Part I: psychological findings,

AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR, Issue 4 2010
Jeff Victoroff
Abstract Politically aggressive militant groups usually rely on support from a larger community, although evidence suggests that only some members of that larger community support that aggression. A major subtype of political aggression is that associated with religious differences,or Religio-Political Aggression (RPA). Little previous research has explored demographic or psychological factors that might distinguish supporters from non-supporters of RPA. In an exploratory study, we investigated whether factors previously associated with aggression might correlate with support for RPA in the case of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict. During the second intifada, fifty-two 14-year-old Palestinian boys in Gaza completed self-report measures of life events, emotional status, and political attitudes. Teenaged boys who reported family members having been wounded or killed by the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) expressed greater support for RPA (t(50)=,2.30, P=.026). In addition, boys who felt their group was treated unjustly reported greater support for RPA compared with those who did not (t(50)=,2.273, P=.027). Implications of these preliminary data are discussed. Aggr. Behav. 36:219,231, 2010. © 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source]


"Quasi Track-One" Diplomacy: An Analysis of the Geneva Process in the Israeli,Palestinian Conflict,

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 2 2010
Amira Schiff
The diversity of unofficial diplomacy activities in the last three decades has led to extensive attention in theoretical literature to the role of unofficial diplomacy in conflict resolution processes and to the development of a broad range of concepts used to describe different types of unofficial diplomatic activities. Yet certain unofficial activities, such as the process that preceded the Geneva Accords, do not neatly conform to the prevailing unofficial diplomacy concepts. This study seeks to contribute to the theoretical development of the unofficial diplomacy theory through an examination of the assumptions underlying models and concepts relating to unofficial diplomacy as applied to the process leading to the drafting of the Geneva Accords. The study suggests that the unofficial diplomacy process leading to the Geneva Accords was in fact "a quasi track-one" diplomacy,a diplomacy characterized by unique features, some of which weakened its potential contribution to the policy-making process. [source]


Against the Wall: Anarchist Mobilization in the Israeli,Palestinian Conflict

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 3 2010
Uri Gordon
Anarchists Against the Wall is an Israeli action group supporting the popular Palestinian struggle against segregation and land confiscation in the West Bank. Incorporating participant observation and recent theories of social movements and anarchism, this article offers a thick cultural account of the group's mobilization dynamics, and assesses the achievements and limitations of the joint struggle. Three dimensions,direct action, bi-nationalism, and leadership,highlight the significance of anarchist practices and discourses to an informed assessment of the group's politics of nonviolent resistance. The effectiveness of the campaign is then examined, calling attention to the distinction among immediate, medium-term, and revolutionary goals. [source]


Objectivism and Bias on the Study of the Israeli,Palestinian Conflict

ANALYSES OF SOCIAL ISSUES & PUBLIC POLICY, Issue 1 2009
Moises F. Salinas
The author responds to reviews of his book, Planting Hatred, Sowing Pain: The Psychology of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Reviewers argue that you cannot understand the psychology of this conflict from an objective perspective, without taking issues such as historical context and social justice in consideration. The author argues that this detachment is necessary in order to find a solution, since we need to move beyond an orientation to the past that amounts to a culpability paradigm, and into an orientation to the future and a resolution paradigm. Only after you achieve peace and build mutual trust, could the parties be ready to do soul searching and take responsibility for their past actions. [source]


Posttraumatic Symptoms, Functional Impairment, and Coping among Adolescents on Both Sides of the Israeli,Palestinian Conflict: A Cross-Cultural Approach

APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2009
Ruth Pat-Horenczyk
This study assessed the effects of the ongoing violence on the mental health of Palestinian and Israeli youths. Parallel instruments were developed and adapted, as part of a collaborative project, in order to assess, in each society: (1) differential rates of exposure to the conflict, (2) the association between exposure and the severity of posttraumatic symptoms (PTS), and (3) the inter-relationships among PTS, functional impairment, somatic complaints, and coping strategies. Participants were 1,016 Israeli and 1,235 Palestinian adolescents. A self-report questionnaire assessed exposure. PTS was measured using the UCLA PTSD Reaction Index, functional impairment and somatic complaints were measured with the DISC, and coping strategies were assessed with Brief Cope. In both societies, greater exposure to conflict-related violence was associated with more PTS and more somatic complaints, with girls reporting more distress than boys. A total of 6.8 per cent of the Israeli students and 37.2 per cent of the Palestinian students met criteria for Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). In both societies, but more pronounced in the Palestinian Authority, adolescents reported significant levels of functional impairment, mainly in the area of school functioning. Students with PTSD reported more somatic complaints as well as greater functional impairment. The results show the serious psychological impact of the ongoing violent conflict on Israeli and Palestinian students and point to the need to develop appropriate school-based interventions to address their mental health needs. Cette étude évalue les effets de la violence continuelle sur la santé mentale des jeunes palestiniens et israéliens. Des instruments analogues ont été développés et adaptés, dans le cadre d'un projet de collaboration, afin d'évaluer dans chaque société: (1) les différences de taux d'exposition au conflit, (2) l'association entre l'exposition et la sévérité des symptômes post-traumatiques (PTS) et (3) les interrelations entre les PTS, les troubles fonctionnels, les plaintes somatiques et les stratégies de faire-face. 1016 adolescents israéliens et 1235 adolescents palestiniens ont participéà cette étude. Un questionnaire auto-administré mesure l'exposition au conflit. Les PTS sont mesurés par l'utilisation de l'UCLA PTSD Reaction Index, les troubles fonctionnels et les plaintes somatiques sont approchés par le DISC, et les stratégies de faire-face par le Brief Cope. Dans les deux sociétés, une plus grande exposition au conflit et à ses violences est associée à des PTS plus importants et à plus de plaintes somatiques, les filles manifestant plus de détresse que les garçons. Un total de 6.8% des étudiants israéliens et 37.2% des étudiants palestiniens répondent à des critères du Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Dans les deux sociétés, mais de façon plus prononcée dans l'Autorité palestinienne, les adolescents rapportent des niveaux significatifs de troubles fonctionnels, principalement dans le domaine du fonctionnement scolaire. Les étudiants avec PTSD manifestent plus de plaintes somatiques, il en va de même pour les troubles fonctionnels. Les résultats montrent le sérieux impact psychologique d'un conflit violent et continuel sur les étudiants israéliens et palestiniens et signale le besoin de développer des interventions scolaires appropriées à leurs besoins en matière de santé mentale. [source]


The Israeli,Palestinian Road Block: Can Europeans Make a Difference?

INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2004
Rosemary Hollis
Europe needs a resolution of the Israeli,Palestinian conflict for the sake of its own social harmony, and could reconfigure the calculations of the parties by inviting Israel to integrate into Europe's social, economic and security space in return for withdrawal from the West Bank, Gaza and Arab East Jerusalem. The idea would be to capitalize on the drive for separation that prevails in Israel and abandon an unrealistic policy that requires the Arabs to integrate Israel in the region. It is also time for Europe to face up to its own role in the problem and the solution, and demonstrate that anti-Semitism does not influence its policy. [source]


An Independent Palestine: The Security Dimension

INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2004
Robert E. Hunter
If negotiations produce an end to the Israeli,Palestinian conflict then a sovereign, independent Palestine may emerge. But what is required for it to succeed? Nothing is more important than the security of a Palestinian state,for itself, for Israel, and for the region: security trumps all else. In addition to the problem of dealing effectively with opposition to a peace agreement within Palestine or directed against it from outside, the nature and magnitude of the security challenge will depend in large part on three issues: the drawing of borders between Israel and Palestine,and whether they are porous or marked by a rigid line of barriers; whether Israeli settlements are withdrawn, or in part incorporated into Israel, perhaps through land swaps with Palestine; and what arrangements are made for Jerusalem. One answer is the creation of effective Palestinian military forces (in addition to police), but this course could be divisive; a second is the development of a series of Israeli,Palestinian confidence-building and share,security measures, including intelligence cooperation; a third is progress towards reducing external threats to Israel,Palestine, including success in Iraq and in defusing other Middle East problems. Most useful, however, would be the creation of an American-led peace enabling force, ideally modelled on NATO. This force would need to be agreed by both Israel and Palestine; it must be adequately staffed, trained and equipped; its duties and rules of engagement must make sense to all parties; and it must be part of a network of dispute-resolution and confidence-building measures in full partnership with Israeli and Palestinian authorities. [source]


The Relevance of Reconciliation Actions in the Breakdown of Israeli,Palestinian Negotiations, 2000

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 4 2002
Louis Kriesberg
The breakdown of Israeli,Palestinian negotiations toward a final status agreement and the subsequent eruption of violence stunned many partisans of the conflict as well as intermediaries and observers. Although some partisans on each side had argued from the outset that successful negotiations were impossible, leaders of the Palestinians and the Israelis had negotiated directly for several years as if they were possible. The Israeli,Palestinian conflict had become partially transformed but perhaps insufficiently so to support a negotiated agreement acceptable to both sides. The possible role of what might be regarded as reconciliation actions in that partial transformation of the conflict is examined here. The negotiation and mediation processes prior to the breakdown are reviewed, and then different views of the impact of reconciliation actions, or their absence, are assessed. [source]


A culture for peace , an explosive concept: an attachment-based psychoanalytic critique of the Israel,Palestine conflict

PSYCHOTHERAPY AND POLITICS INTERNATIONAL, Issue 3 2006
Irris Singer
Abstract This paper looks at how Bowlby's concept of secure and insecure base can illuminate the psychological processes at work in conflicts, taking the Israeli,Palestinian conflict as an example. It ends by suggesting two essential features for co-existence and a culture of peace. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]