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Migration Policies (migration + policy)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	81%
Business, Economics, Finance and Accounting	18%

Selected Abstracts

International Migration Policies: 1950-2000

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001
Reginald Appleyard
Policies on international migration since the Second World War reflect the enormous changes in economic, social and political situations around the world. The implications of changes in the volume and composition of international migration have increasingly become an issue of major concern to governments in all countries. Following emigration from Europe to countries of the New World as a result of war-damaged economies, reconstruction witnessed high demand for migrant labour, mainly from parts of southern Europe. But by the early 1970s, decline in economic growth, unexpected impacts of the guest-worker scheme, and an increase in refugees from Third World countries led, in due course, to an era of restriction on entry of asylum-seekers and tighter controls over undocumented migration to developed countries. A "new era" evolved during the 1990s, characterized by growing interdependence of major economic powers. Globalization led not only to a significant demand for highly-skilled and professional workers, but also to decision-making on some aspects of the migration process being transferred from the national to the regional level, and an increase in the influence of multinational corporations. The globalization process, and the growing influence of international trade regimes, may well represent the first steps towards a new "international migration regime" that incorporates all types of migration. [source]

Migration Policy and Industrial Structure: The Case of Switzerland

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 2 2008
Leonhard Becker
ABSTRACT Structural change in OECD countries, emphasizing knowledge-based sectors, has led to an increasing demand for highly skilled labour. One means of meeting this demand has been to implement a selective immigration policy. Such policies, however, have been criticized for channelling labour into low-producing sectors and occupations, hampering structural change. Proponents of such criticism point to Switzerland's former policy of channelling immigrants into so-called seasonal sectors, a practice abandoned in the early 1990s, as having contributed to Switzerland's low growth rates. To assess this, we here analyse the amended migration policy's effects on skill structure and sectoral distribution of immigration flows using data from the Swiss Census of 1990 and 2000 to determine whether the new policy has led to an immigrant inflow more adapted to the processes of structural change. We find that the share of highly skilled immigrants has increased notably under the new migration policy. Our analysis also shows an important change in the sectoral focus of the new arrival inflow. Not only have fewer immigrants been entering declining sectors, but the majority of migrants arriving under the new policy regime have been absorbed into growing and knowledge-based sectors, meaning they are employed primarily in service and knowledge-intensive sectors. Overall, the analysis provides ample evidence that the current admission policy as ositively contributed to tructural change in Switzerland. [source]

Rational Migration Policy Should Tolerate Non-zero Illegal Migration Flows: Lessons from Modelling the Market for Illegal Migration

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2002
Horst Entorf
The debate on the immigration policies in OECD countries has turned its attention towards illegal migrants. Given that migration flows are determined by immigration laws, the probability of potential detection, penalties for unauthorized migrants and their employers, and income differences between sending and receiving countries, this paper presents a new approach to the problem of illegal migration, grounded on the economic theory of illegal behaviour. The framework considers the interaction of potential migrants, citizens, employers, and the government. After introducing the supply function of illegal migration and its determinants, the trade-off between social costs and benefits of preventing and combating illegal migration is demonstrated. This trade-off results in an optimal level of migration larger than zero. A complete "market model" of illegal migration is offered by presentation of a demand curve of illegal migration, based on the tolerance of the society towards clandestine foreigners. Equilibrium forces predict a non-zero level of illegal migration. The rule of law of our legal systems, according to which any illegal activity has to be reduced to zero, bears the danger of producing inefficient disequilibria. A reasonable policy of wanted and unwanted migration should address the question of how to allocate scarce resources. Ignoring social optima and equilibrium forces means to abandon public resources that could be used for other public assignments, such as schooling or foreign aid, for instance, i.e., measures that could strike the problem of illegal migration at its root. [source]

Theorizing Migration Policy: Is There a Third Way?1

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 1 2007
Christina Boswell
This article critically reviews theories of migration policy according to two criteria: methodological rigor and explanatory plausibility. It finds that political economy accounts are theoretically robust, but at the price of oversimplification. Neo-institutional theories offer more sophisticated accounts, but fall short on a number of methodological and explanatory counts. As an alternative, this article suggests a theory focusing on the functional imperatives of the state in the area of migration, which shape its responses to societal interests and institutional structures. [source]

European Integration and Migration Policy: Vertical Policy-making as Venue Shopping

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2000
Virginie Guiraudon
Since the beginning of the 1980s, migration and asylum policy in Europe has increasingly been elaborated in supranational forums and implemented by transnational actors. I argue that a venue-shopping framework is best suited to account for the timing, form and content of European co-operation in this area. The venues less amenable to restrictive migration control policy are national high courts, other ministries and migrant-aid organizations. Building upon pre-existing policy settings and developing new policy frames, governments have circumvented national constraints on migration control by creating transnational co-operation mechanisms dominated by law and order officials, with EU institutions playing a minor role. European transgovernmental working groups have avoided judicial scrutiny, eliminated other national adversaries and enlisted the help of transnational actors such as transit countries and carriers. [source]

From individual attitudes towards migrants to migration policy outcomes: Theory and evidence

ECONOMIC POLICY, Issue 56 2008
Giovanni Facchini
SUMMARY Attitudes and migration policy We are experiencing a wave of globalization that includes everything but labour. In this paper, we argue that this is the result of restrictive migration policies implemented by destination countries. In democratic societies individual attitudes of voters represent the foundations of policy making. To understand policy outcomes, we analyse the patterns and determinants of voters' opinions on immigration. We find that, across countries of different income levels, only a small minority of voters favour more open policies. Furthermore, our analysis supports the role played by economic channels in shaping public opinion. We next investigate how attitudes translate into policy outcomes, considering two alternative frameworks: the median voter and the interest groups model. On the one hand, the very low percentages of voters favouring immigration are, in light of the existing restrictive policies, consistent with the median voter framework. At the same time, given the extent of opposition to immigration that appears in public opinion, it is somewhat surprising in a median voter framework that immigration takes place at all. We find that interest-groups dynamics have the potential to explain this puzzle. , Giovanni Facchini and Anna Maria Mayda [source]

Why are Europeans so tough on migrants?

ECONOMIC POLICY, Issue 44 2005
Tito Boeri
SUMMARY European migration International migration can significantly increase income per capita in Europe. We estimate that at the given wage and productivity gap between Western and Eastern Europe, migration of 3% of the Eastern population to the West could increase total EU GDP by up to 0.5%. Yet on 1 May 2004, 14 EU countries out of 15 adopted transitional arrangements vis-à-vis the new member states and national migration restrictions vis-à-vis third country nationals are getting stricter and stricter. In this paper we offer two explanations for this paradox and document their empirical relevance in the case of the EU enlargement. The first explanation is that immigration to rigid labour markets involves a number of negative externalities on the native population. The second explanation is that there are important cross-country spillovers in the effects of migration policies, inducing a race-to-the top in border restrictions with high costs in terms of foregone European output. In light of our results, we discuss, in the final section, the key features of a desirable migration policy to be coordinated at the EU level. ,Tito Boeri and Herbert Brücker [source]

Best Practice in Temporary Labour Migration for Development: A Perspective from Asia and the Pacific

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 5 2009
Graeme Hugo
The dominant mode of international migration in Asia and the Pacific is temporary contract migration of low-skilled workers. The potential for such migration to deliver significant development dividends to origin communities is substantial because of its large scale and the fact that most migrant workers return to their home community. However, there are a number of barriers that are intervening to dampen these potential positive effects, such as high transaction costs, high costs of sending remittances, and the fact that some areas of origin lack the infrastructure and potential for productive investment. Moreover, destination countries have been very welcoming of high skill temporary migrants but highly restrictive in their attitudes toward their low skill counterparts. This paper discusses the lessons of best practice in temporary labour migration programmes in the region, which can help to overcome these obstacles reducing the positive development impacts of migration. It assesses, in turn, best practice separately for each stage of the labour migration process -- recruitment and selection, and pre-departure preparation -- at the destination and on return. In conclusion, a number of the barriers which impinge on Asian Pacific countries' ability to introduce and sustain best practice are discussed. These include the need for capacity building, lack of cooperation between origin and destination countries, lack of data, poor governance of labour migration a failure among governments to recognise the significance of migration and the need for more "development friendly" migration policies in destinations. [source]

Path-dependency and Path-creation Perspectives on Migration Trajectories: The Economic Experiences of Vietnamese Migrants in Slovakia,

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 2 2007
Vladimir Balá
ABSTRACT There has been only limited research on the Vietnamese diaspora, and that has mostly focussed on Western market economies. This paper explores the distinctive migration, dictated by Cold War geopolitics, from Viet Nam to the Eastern bloc countries. It examines how the intersection of migration policies and politico-economic conditions, before and after the end of state socialism in 1989, produced two distinctive migration phases. Faced with economic constraints, and mediated by their relationships with the Slovak population, most Vietnamese who stayed in, or migrated to, Slovakia after 1989 survived economically by finding a niche in market trading. This paper adopts a path-creating path-dependent perspective to examine these migration trajectories through an analysis based on in-depth interviews with Vietnamese migrants. La diaspora vietnamienne n'a pas suscité une abondante recherche, et les enquêtes dont elle a fait l'objet ont surtout été réalisées au sein du monde occidental. La présente étude explore le caractère distinctif, dicté par lagéopolitique de la guerre froide, ayant caractérisé les flux de migration entre le Vietnam et les pays du bloc de l'Est. Elle examine comment le recoupement des politiques migratoires et des conditions politico-économiques, avant et après la fin du socialisme d'Etat en 1989, ont produit deux phases migratoires distinctes. Confrontés aux contraintes économiques, et guidés par les relations entretenues par leur pays d'origine avec la population slovaque, la plupart des Vietnamiens ayant séjourné ou immigré en Slovaquie après 1989 ont survécu, économiquement parlant, en se créant une niche commerciale. Cette étude examine ces trajectoires migratoires sous l'angle de la démarche d'autonomie créative et du choix de la dépendance en procédant à une analyse réalisée à partir d'entretiens approfondis avec des migrants vietnamiens. Poco se sabe sobre la diáspora vietnamita puesto que los estudios realizados se han centrado mayormente en las economías de mercado occidentales. En este artículo se examina la migración diferenciada, proveniente de Viet Nam hacia los países del bloque del Este, dictaminada por la geopolítica de la Guerra Fría. Además, se analiza cómo la intersección de las políticas y de las condiciones político-económicas, durante el régimen socialista y después de 1989, dieron lugar a dos etapas migratorias bien diferenciadas. Habida cuenta de las restricciones económicas y de sus relaciones con la población eslovaca, la mayoría de los vietnamitas que permanecieron o emigraron a Eslovaquia después de 1989 tuvieron que hacerse un hueco en el mercado comercial para poder sobrevivir. Por tanto, en este artículo se adopta una perspectiva de cara a la creatividad o a la dependencia a fin de examinar las trayectorias migratorias, efectuando un análisis basado en extensas entrevistas con los inmigrantes vietnamitas. [source]

Emigration from China: A Sending Country Perspective

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 3 2003
Xiang Biao
This paper aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the policies pursued by the People's Republic of China (PRC) regarding the emigration of Chinese nationals. Most of the available literature on migration management has focused on receiving countries. With a few exceptions, little attention has been directed at migration management policies pursued in countries of origin. In the case of the PRC, policies regarding overseas Chinese have been fairly well documented and researched, but very little has been written about how the Chinese authorities manage ongoing emigration flows. This gap becomes particularly salient as the importance of the "partnership with the countries of origin" in devising migration policies is being increasingly acknowledged by receiving countries in Europe (Commission of the European Communities, 2000). Over the last 20 years, there have been significant changes in the Chinese Government's policies and perspectives on emigration. But, just like most other governments, the Chinese authorities do not have a single blanket policy covering all categories of emigrants. Emigration is normally managed on a case-by-case basis and the Government's attitude toward the same type of emigration may vary depending on different cases and circumstances. Because of this, this article examines China's major emigration-related policy spheres one by one. Specifically, six issues will be discussed: (1) exit control; (2) diaspora policy; (3) student migration; (4) labour export; (5) regulations on emigration agencies and, finally (6) the Government's response to human smuggling. This article shows both the coherence and the fragmentation in China's policies toward emigration. The coherence is due to the fact that all the policies are inherently linked to China's overall economic and social development strategy. The emigration management regime is sometimes fragmented partly because emigration consists of different streams and is handled by different Government departments, partly because some emigration issues (such as regulations on emigration agents) are very new for the Chinese Government and the authorities are still exploring them. Overall, the Chinese authorities increasingly see emigration as a means to enhance China's integration to the world and are keen to avoid conflicts with the international community over migration issues. At the same time, China's emigration policies need to be more balanced, in particular, the emigration of unskilled labour should be given more priority. [source]

Migration and Policies in the European Union: Highly Skilled Mobility, Free Movement of Labour and Recognition of Diplomas

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2001
João Peixoto
This article evaluates the relationship between highly skilled mobility (especially by individuals with university-level degrees) and migration policies. Data from the European Union (EU) and Portugal (in particular) provide the empirical basis of the research. EU policies regarding the free circulation of individuals which aim to build the "common market" for economic factors (including labour) are reviewed, as are the more specific recognition of diplomas policies for professional and academic purposes, and recent levels of international mobility in both the EU and Portugal. The article also enumerates the main obstacles that, from a political and legal or social and cultural perspective, explain the low mobility revealed by those figures. Obstacles include the broad denial of citizenship rights; the necessity of assuring a means of sustenance; linguistic and technical exigencies for diploma recognition; the social attributes of work (more explicit in the service sector); and the institutional nature of national skilled labour markets. The main exception to the low mobility rule , movements of cadres in the internal labour markets of transnational corporations , together with flows in other multinational organizations, are also reviewed. In these, migrations are relatively exempt from political constraints and, significantly, avoid the recognition procedures adopted by the EU. In other words, it seems that the entry of highly skilled individuals in a transnational corporation, and not their citizenship in a Europe without frontiers, is what enables them to achieve effective mobility. [source]

Regional Organizations and Intra-Regional Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa: Challenges and Prospects

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001
Aderanti Adepoju
Africa is a region of diverse migration circuits relating to origin, destination and transit for labour migrants, undocumented migrants, refugees and brain circulation of professionals. This article outlines major migration configurations in the region, and the role of two vibrant subregional organizations , Economic Community of West African States and South African Development Community , in facilitating, containing or curtailing intra-regional migration which takes place within diverse political, economic, social and ethnic contexts; the transformation of brain drain into brain circulation; and commercial migration in place of labour migration within the region. Despite overlapping membership, wavering political support, a poor transportation network, border disputes and expulsions, these subregional organizations are crucial for the region's collective integration into the global economy, and to enhance economic growth and facilitate labour intraregional migration. Free movement of persons without visa, adoption of ECOWAS travellers' cheques and passports, the creation of a borderless Community; and the granting of voting rights and later citizenship and residence permits by South Africa to migrant workers from SADC countries are positive developments. These organizations need to foster cooperation between labour-exporting and recipient countries, implement the protocols on the right of residence and establishment; promote dialogue and cooperation in order to harmonize, coordinate and integrate their migration policies as envisioned by the 1991 Abuja Treaty establishing the African Economic Community. [source]

Protection of Migrants' Human Rights: Principles and Practice

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001
Heikki S. Mattila
In principle, migrants enjoy the protection of international law. Key human rights instruments oblige the States Parties to extend their protection to all human beings. Such important treaties as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have been ratified by more than 140 states, but many political, social or economic obstacles seem to stand in the way of offering those rights to migrants. In an attempt to bridge this protection gap, the more specifically targeted International Convention on the Protection of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families was created and adopted by the United Nations in 1990. This treaty is not yet in force, but the number of States Parties is increasing towards the required 20. In the past few years the human rights machinery of the United Nations has increased its attention towards migrants' human rights, appointing in 1999 the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. Governments, as the acceding parties to international human rights instruments, remain the principal actors as guardians of the human rights of all individuals residing in their territories. Receiving countries are in a key position in the protection of the migrants that they host. However, active defence of migrants' rights is politically difficult in many countries where anti-immigrant factions are influential. Trafficking in migrants is one example of the complexity faced by states in formulating their migration policies. On the one hand, trafficking has made governments increasingly act together and combine both enforcement and protection. On the other, trafficking, with its easily acceptable human rights concerns, is often separated from the more migration-related human smuggling. The latter is a more contentious issue, related also to unofficial interests in utilizing cheap undocumented immigrant labour. [source]

From Limited to Active Engagement: Mexico's Emigration Policies from a Foreign Policy Perspective (2000,2006)

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 4 2009
Alexandra Délano
Mexico's emigration policies , including the state's engagement with the diaspora, the discourse in relation to emigrants, the responses to U.S. migration policies and legislation, and the priority given to the issue in the national and bilateral agendas , have undergone a process of transformation since the late 1980s and particularly after 2000. From a history of generally limited engagement in terms of responding to U.S. policies and a traditional interpretation of consular protection activities, Mexico has gradually developed more active policies in relation to the diaspora and began a process of redefining its position on emigration. In addition to the processes of political change in Mexico and the growing impact of migrants' transnational activities, changes in Mexico's emigration policies are also a result of transformations in foreign policy principles and strategies, mainly as a result of the evolution of U.S.-Mexico relations since the late 1980s and particularly since NAFTA. These findings demonstrate the significance of international factors , namely host state , sending state relations and foreign policy interests, discourse, and traditions , in the design and implementation of migration policies and the need to develop multi-level analyses to explain states' objectives, interests, and capacities in the management of migration. [source]

Golbalisation, Regional Integration, International Migration

INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 165 2000
Georges Photios Tapinos
After having recalled the two-way links between international migration and development and having placed migratory movements in the con-textof globalisation, the author examines the new situation created by the strengthening of immigration control policies and the relevance of the alternative strategy which considers free trade as a substitute for migration. He examines to what extent the effects of economic liberalisation are likely to modify the decision to emigrate. In conclusion, he outlines various impli-cations for migration policies. [source]

Securitization or Securing Rights?

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2005
Exploring the Conceptual Foundations of Policies towards Minorities, Migrants in Europe
Minority and migration issues tend to be framed either in terms of security and control or rights. Rather than lamenting the securitization of these issues in the academic and policy debate and advocating a focus on rights as an alternative, this article calls for the re-conceptualization in terms of a ,security-rights nexus'. It is argued here that minority and migration issues and their conceptual interlock have a clear security dimension, but that these concerns are best addressed through rights-based policies. Through an analysis of the policy approaches of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the EU, this article traces two related dimensions of the ,security-rights nexus', namely the increasing linkages between policies towards minorities and migrants and between security and rights. Both institutions' emphasis on ,integration' in minority and migration policies reflects the two interrelated dimensions of the ,security-rights' nexus. [source]

From individual attitudes towards migrants to migration policy outcomes: Theory and evidence

Why are Europeans so tough on migrants?

The potential of temporary migration programmes in future international migration policy

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR REVIEW, Issue 1-2 2006
Martin RUHS
First page of article [source]

International Labour Migrants' Return to Meiji-era Yamaguchi and Hiroshima: Economic and Social Effects

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 3 2008
Jonathan Dresner
International labour migration from Meiji era (1868,1912) Japan was intensely concentrated: over 60 per cent of the 29,000 participants in the government-managed Hawai'i emigration programme (kan'yaku imin, 1885,1894) came from seven coastal counties around the Hiroshima-Yamaguchi prefectural border in southwest Japan. Almost half of the emigrants became long-term settlers instead of returning to their hometowns, but this paper examines what happened to returning emigrants and to their home communities. Since the migration was primarily economic in nature, the effect of migrant earnings was carefully monitored and is frequently cited by scholars. Surveys showed high rates of debt repayment and savings, and improved living conditions, but investment and entrepreneurship were limited. High-emigration regions rarely became economic centers of any importance. Less carefully studied are non-economic effects, partially because the labour programme was structured to minimize contact with Hawaiian or Caucasian culture, and thus returnees had little cultural experience to transfer to their hometowns. Local officials in Yamaguchi seemed proud of the lack of social change. Even long-term sojourners, who returned due to family needs after a decade or more overseas, exhibited no readjustment difficulties. Returnees, particularly in Yamaguchi, sometimes moved on to Japanese colonial territories, creating multilateral and complex relationships with overseas communities. This sojourning migration, like contemporary analogs, was a powerful form of poverty relief in the midst of dislocating globalization, but did not produce a rise in entrepreneurship or a Westernization of local culture. Because this sojourning migration was structurally similar to our modern-day patterns, it provides evidence of the longevity of those patterns and the possible long-term effects, and raises questions about our expectations for migration policy. Retour des travailleurs migrants internationaux de l'ère Meiji à Yamaguchi et Hiroshima: effets économiques et sociaux Au Japon, la migration internationale de main-d',uvre de l'ère Meiji (1868,1912) a été très concentrée: plus de soixante pour cent des 29 000 participants au programme gouvernemental d'émigration à destination d'Hawaï (kan'yaku imin, 1885-1894) venaient de sept régions côtières proches de la limite entre les préfectures d'Hiroshima et de Yamaguchi dans le Sud-Ouest du Japon. Sachant que la moitié des émigrants sont devenus des résidents de longue durée et ne sont pas rentrés dans leur communauté d'origine, le présent document s'intéresse à ceux qui ont fait le choix inverse. Etant donné que cette migration était principalement de nature économique, les effets des gains des migrants ont étéétudiés avec attention et sont souvent cités par les chercheurs. Si des enquêtes ont révélé des taux importants de remboursement de dettes et d'épargne, ainsi qu'un niveau de vie en hausse, les investissements et la création d'entreprises, en revanche, sont restés limités. On a rarement vu des régions à fort taux d'émigration devenir des centres économiques d'importance. Les effets non économiques ont été moins étudiés, en partie parce que ce programme de main-d',uvre était structuré de façon à réduire le plus possible les contacts avec la culture hawaïenne ou caucasienne, ce qui fait que les rapatriés n'avaient guère d'acquis culturels exogènes à transmettre. Les responsables locaux de Yamaguchi semblaient d'ailleurs se réjouir de l'absence de changements sociaux. Même les résidents de longue durée, qui étaient rentrés pour raisons familiales au bout d'au moins une décennie à l'étranger, ne montraient aucune difficultéà se réadapter. Les rapatriés, en particulier à Yamaguchi, ont parfois déménagé vers les territoires coloniaux japonais, créant des relations multilatérales complexes avec les communautés de l'outre-mer. Cette migration temporaire, comme les mouvements analogues à la même époque, était une formidable façon de réduire la pauvreté dans un contexte de bouleversement mondial, mais elle n'a pas renforcé l'esprit d'entreprise ni conduit à une occidentalisation de la culture locale. Comme cette migration temporaire était structurellement semblable à nos modèles contemporains, elle témoigne de la longue durée de vie de ces modèles et de leurs effets possibles à long terme, et soulève des questions quant à nos attentes en matière de politique migratoire. Retorno a los trabajadores migrantes internacionales a la era Meiji en Yamaguchi e Hiroshima: Efectos socioeconómicos La migración laboral internacional en la era Meiji del Japón (1868,1912) era sumamente concentrada: más del 60 por ciento de los 29.000 participantes en el programa de emigración Hawai'i (kan'yaku imin, 1885-1894) administrado por el Gobierno, provenía de varios condados costeros en torno a la frontera prefectural entre Hiroshima-Yamaguchi en el sudeste del Japón. Casi la mitad de los emigrantes residía en albergues semipermanentes y no retornaban a sus lugares de origen. Ahora bien, en este artículo se examina lo ocurrido con los migrantes que retornaron y con las comunidades de retorno. Habida cuenta que la migración era mayormente de carácter económico, el efecto de los ingresos de los migrantes se siguió de cerca y, frecuentemente, ha sido citado por los estudiosos en la materia. Las encuestas demuestran elevadas tasas de reembolso de deudas y de ahorro, así como un mejoramiento de las condiciones de vida, pero también apuntan a limitadas inversiones o empresas. Las regiones de alta emigración rara vez se convirtieron en centros de importancia económica. No se ha estudiado en detalle los efectos extra económicos, en parte porque el programa de migración laboral estaba estructurado para minimizar el contacto con la cultura hawaiana o caucasiana, por lo cual las personas que retornaban tenían poca experiencia cultural que aportar a sus lugares de origen. Los funcionarios locales en Yamaguchi se enorgullecían de la falta de intercambio social. Incluso aquéllos residentes de larga duración que retornaron debido a cuestiones familiares tras una década o más en ultramar, no presentaron ninguna dificultad en readaptarse. Las personas que retornaron, particularmente a Yamaguchi, se desplazaron a veces a territorios coloniales japoneses, estableciendo complejas relaciones multilaterales con comunidades en ultramar. La migración de carácter permanente, al igual que sus análogos contemporáneos, era un sólido medio de aliviar la pobreza en medio de una globalización perturbadora, pero no dio lugar a un incremento empresarial o a una occidentalización de la cultura local. La similitud estructural de la migración de larga duración con nuestros patrones de hoy en día, aporta pruebas de la longevidad de los mismos, de los posibles efectos a largo plazo de dichos patrones y plantea una serie de preguntas sobre las expectativas en cuanto a las políticas migratorias. [source]

Migration Policy and Industrial Structure: The Case of Switzerland

International Migration and State Sovereignty in an Integrating Europe

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001
Andrew Geddes
This article examines the development of migration policy competencies of the European Union (EU) since the 1990s. It pays particular attention to policy framework that developed after the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties entered into effect in 1993 and 1999 respectively. In order to chart these developments, the article focuses on five analytical themes that illustrate key trends in EU migration policy. Reasons for and implications of shift from "pillarization" in the Maastricht Treaty to "communitarization" in the Amsterdam Treaty. , Blurring of the distinction between external and internal security. , The role that supranational institutions such as the European Commission are playing (or trying to play) in policy development. , Debates about migrants' rights in an integrating Europe. , Links between migration and EU enlargement. It is argued that far from weakening EU member states or symbolizing some "loss of control", EU cooperation and integration have thus far helped member states consolidate and reassert their ability to regulate international migration through the use of new EU-level institutional venues. This raises legitimacy issues as the EU moves into politically sensitive policy areas. Although talk of "fortress Europe" is overblown, the EU is likely to face legitimacy challenges on both the "input" (democracy, openness and accountability of decision-making) and "output" (implementation and compliance) elements of decision-making. [source]

Human Rights of Migrants: Challenges of the New Decade

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001
Patrick A. Taran
This review summarizes main trends, issues, debates, actors and initiatives regarding recognition and extension of protection of the human rights of migrants. Its premise is that the rule of law and universal notions of human rights are essential foundations for democratic society and social peace. Evidence demonstrates that violations of migrants' human rights are so widespread and commonplace that they are a defining feature of international migration today. About 150 million persons live outside their countries; in many States, legal application of human rights norms to non-citizens is inadequate or seriously deficient, especially regarding irregular migrants. Extensive hostility against, abuse of and violence towards migrants and other non-nationals has become much more visible worldwide in recent years. Research, documentation and analysis of the character and extent of problems and of effective remedies remain minimal. Resistance to recognition of migrants' rights is bound up in exploitation of migrants in marginal, low status, inadequately regulated or illegal sectors of economic activity. Unauthorized migrants are often treated as a reserve of flexible labour, outside the protection of labour safety, health, minimum wage and other standards, and easily deportable. Evidence on globalization points to worsening migration pressures in many parts of the world. Processes integral to globalization have intensified disruptive effects of modernization and capitalist development, contributing to economic insecurity and displacement for many. Extension of principles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights culminated in the 1990 International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. With little attention, progress in ratifications was very slow until two years ago. A global campaign revived attention; entry into force is likely in 2001. Comparative analysis notes that ILO migrant worker Conventions have generally achieved objectives but States have resisted adoption of any standards on treatment of non-nationals. A counter-offensive against human rights as universal, indivisible and inalienable underlies resistance to extension of human rights protection to migrants. A parallel trend is deliberate association of migration and migrants with criminality. Trafficking has emerged as a global theme contextualizing migration in a framework of combatting organized crime and criminality, subordinating human rights protections to control and anti-crime measures. Intergovernmental cooperation on migration "management" is expanding rapidly, with functioning regional intergovernmental consultative processes in all regions, generally focused on strengthening inter-state cooperation in controlling and preventing irregular migration through improved border controls, information sharing, return agreements and other measures. Efforts to defend human rights of migrants and combat xenophobia remain fragmented, limited in impact and starved of resources. Nonetheless, NGOs in all regions provide orientation, services and assistance to migrants, public education and advocating respect for migrants rights and dignity. Several international initiatives now highlight migrant protection concerns, notably the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights of Migrants, the Global Campaign promoting the 1990 UN Convention, UN General Assembly proclamation of International Migrants Day, the 2001 World Conference Against Racism and Xenophobia, anti-discrimination activity by ILO, and training by IOM. Suggestions to governments emphasize the need to define comprehensive, coordinated migration policy and practice based on economic, social and development concerns rather than reactive control measures to ensure beneficial migration, social harmony, and dignified treatment of nationals and non-nationals. NGOs, businesses, trade unions, and religious groups are urged to advocate respect for international standards, professionalize services and capacities, take leadership in opposing xenophobic behaviour, and join international initiatives. Need for increased attention to migrants rights initiatives and inter-agency cooperation by international organizations is also noted. [source]

Theorizing Migration Policy: Is There a Third Way?1

Migrants as Minorities: Integration and Inclusion in the Enlarged European Union,

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2005
RYSZARD CHOLEWINSKI
The developing migration and asylum law and policy of the European Union aim to construct a common normative framework to address the admission and residence of diverse categories of third-country nationals in EU territory. The principles of minority protection, however, are absent from EU law, with the exception of some references in the new Constitutional Treaty and the incorporated Charter of Fundamental Rights, although they have been employed, to a certain degree, in a prescriptive and pragmatic way in the context of the accession of new Member States. However, increased EU attention to the concept of integration in recent Council policy pronouncements and newly adopted legal measures, aimed almost exclusively at lawfully resident third-country nationals, provides a space where migration policy and minority protection principles may engage more directly. This article undertakes a preliminary assessment of the points of convergence and divergence in these two sets of principles, and argues that greater convergence would result in a more coherent EU policy on integration. [source]

The European Union and the Securitization of Migration

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 5 2000
Jef Huysmans
This article deals with the question of how migration has developed into a security issue in western Europe and how the European integration process is implicated in it. Since the 1980s, the political construction of migration increasingly referred to the destabilizing effects of migration on domestic integration and to the dangers for public order it implied. The spillover of the internal market into a European internal security question mirrors these domestic developments at the European level. The Third Pillar on Justice and Home Affairs, the Schengen Agreements, and the Dublin Convention most visibly indicate that the European integration process is implicated in the development of a restrictive migration policy and the social construction of migration into a security question. However, the political process of connecting migration to criminal and terrorist abuses of the internal market does not take place in isolation. It is related to a wider politicization in which immigrants and asylum-seekers are portrayed as a challenge to the protection of national identity and welfare provisions. Moreover, supporting the political construction of migration as a security issue impinges on and is embedded in the politics of belonging in western Europe. It is an integral part of the wider technocratic and political process in which professional agencies , such as the police and customs , and political agents , such as social movements and political parties , debate and decide the criteria for legitimate membership of west European societies. [source]