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Member Governments (member + government)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	60%

Selected Abstracts

PM 8/2(1): Coniferae

EPPO BULLETIN, Issue 3 2009
Article first published online: 27 NOV 200
Specific scope The purpose of the EPPO Standard on Coniferae is to recommend to EPPO Member Governments the phytosanitary measures, which they should use or require for Coniferae plants and plant products moving in international trade, to prevent the introduction and spread of regulated pests. Certain of these recommendations are addressed to all EPPO Member Governments, others are addressed only to countries considered to face a certain level of risk from the introduction and spread of the pests recommended for regulation concerned. These recommendations are derived: ,,from the EPPO Standards PM 1/2 (EPPO A1 and A2 lists) ,,from the former EPPO standard PM 2 (pest-specific phytosanitary measures) (which was withdrawn in 2006 by the Working Party on Phytosanitary Regulations) ,,from Pest Risk Analysis ,,from the Working Party on Phytosanitary Regulations ,,from the ISPM n°15 ,Guidelines for regulating wood packaging material in international trade'. Specific approval and amendment Approved in 2009-09. [source]

Governance ,to Go': Domestic Actors, Institutions and the Boundaries of the Possible

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2001
Laura Cram
How to ,bring Europe closer to the people' has long been a preoccupation of the policy-maker at the EU level and has recently been restated as a goal of the member governments in the Treaty of Nice. Currently, the Commission is addressing this issue through the White Paper on European Governance. Here, it is argued that the focus on ,governance' as a strategy for inclusion was ill founded and underestimated the likely conflict with existing ,governance' regimes at the domestic level. Moreover, the pursuit of ,heroic' Europeanism with a concomitant emergence of a sense of ,Europeanness' or a European ,identity' as advocated in the Commission's work programme for the White Paper on European Governance was misguided. Drawing on empirical research into the activities of women's organizations in Greece, Ireland and the UK, it is argued that the extent to which EU level action may [source]

The Right and the Righteous?

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 1 2001
Domestic Politics, European Norms, the Sanctions Against Austria
In February 2000, 14 EU Member States collectively took the unprecedented step of imposing bilateral sanctions on their Austrian EU partner. How can this be explained? Was it, as the 14 governments argued, because the inclusion in the Austrian government of Jörg Haider's extreme right FPö opposes many of the ideas making up the common identity of the EU? Or, were the sanctions motivated, as the Austrian government argued, by narrow-minded party political interests that lurked beneath the rhetoric of shared European norms and values? Our analysis suggests that, without the particular concerns about domestic politics of certain politicians, it is unlikely that the sanctions against Austria would have been adopted in this form. On the other hand, without the recent establishment of concerns about human rights and democratic principles as an EU norm, it is unlikely that these particular sanctions would have been adopted collectively by all member governments. Thus, while norms might have been used instrumentally, such instrumental use only works, in the sense of inducing compliant behaviour, if the norms have acquired a certain degree of taken-for-grantedness within the relevant group of actors or institution. [source]

Multilateral development banks, transparency and corporate clients: ,public,private partnerships' and public access to information

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION & DEVELOPMENT, Issue 3 2003
Paul J. Nelson
The multilateral development banks (MDB) recognise and promote transparency as a principle of good governance. Public release of information about policies and projects is a central aspect of this transparency, and the five MDBs studied here each adopted new policies during the 1990s to increase the accessibility of such information. The flow of information to local communities is important to the effectiveness of MDBs' social and environmental safeguards and to securing public support. But MDBs also embrace a second strategy, which sometimes conflicts with transparency: each MDB (or an affiliate) lends to private corporations as well as to member states and each bank modifies its information disclosure rules, giving corporate clients greater discretion than member governments. Environmental and social safeguards apply to corporate borrowers as well as to governments and there is a relatively high level of controversy over corporate projects' environmental and social impact. When subjected to a qualitative review of their disclosure standards, emphasising fullness of disclosure, accessibility of information, timeliness of information and availability of recourse, the disclosure policies of all five MDBs are clearly found to accommodate corporate confidentiality while compromising public demands for information. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

Government debt spillovers and creditworthiness in a federation

CANADIAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS, Issue 3 2000
Stuart Landon
Estimates are presented for the impact of debt accumulation by the central and subcentral governments of a federation on the creditworthiness of other federation member governments. The estimates, calculated using an ordered probit model and Canadian provincial data, indicate that debt accumulation by the central government has reduced the creditworthiness of indebted provincial governments. Interprovincial debt accumulation effects are negative but relatively small, except for the debt of the largest province, which has a strong positive effect on the creditworthiness of the other provinces. These findings may have implications for other federations and associated jurisdictions, such as the European Union. JEL Classification: H63, F36 Les effets de retombée de la dette gouvernementale et la cote de crédit dans une fédération. On calcule l'impact de l'accumulation de la dette par les gouvernements fédéral et sub-fédéraux dans une fédération sur la cote de crédit des autres gouvernements de la fédération. Ces calibrations, à l'aide d'un modèle probit en utilisant les données provinciales canadiennes, montrent que l'accumulation de la dette par le gouvernement central a réduit la cote de crédit des gouvernements provinciaux endettés. Les effets trans-provinciaux de l'accumulation de la dette sont négatifs mais relativement faibles, sauf dans le cas de la province la plus grande, laquelle a un fort effet sur la cote de crédit des autres provinces. Ces résultats peuvent avoir des implications pour d'autres fédérations comme l'Union Européenne. [source]