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Major Works (major + work)
Selected AbstractsThe Poetics of Pathology: Freud's Studien über Hysterie and the Tropes of the ,Novelle'GERMAN LIFE AND LETTERS, Issue 1 2006Petra Rau Freud's self-conscious reflections on the ,Novelle' in his first major work, Studien über Hysterie, have sometimes been interpreted as rhetorical remarks in which his writerly ambitions came to the surface. This article argues that the case histories of hysteria and the genre of the ,Novelle' (particularly the psychopathic or psychographic nineteenth-century ,Novelle') share a poetics of pathology. Indeed their common features (dependence on symbolic condensation, central traumatic events and narrative gaps, exegetical challenges and hermeneutic paradoxes, the self-reflexive narrator, framing devices) suggest that the psychopathic ,Novelle' provided Freud with the means to legitimise his representation of psychoanalysis and hysteria. Like the case history, the psychopathic ,Novelle' is concerned with validating and interpreting idiosyncratic pathological semiotics. Yet like the ,Novelle', Freud's case histories suffer from a contagion in which representation is infected with, and by necessity performs, the pathologies it claims to map and cure. This article suggests that at the heart of the poetics of pathology is a hermeneutic aporia that allows for intertextual transfer but that also deconstructs the novellesque as well as the psychoanalytic project and renders it impossible. [source] Producing Parsons' reputation: Early critiques of Talcott Parsons' social theory and the making of a caricatureJOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF THE BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES, Issue 2 2010B. Robert Owens This article examines the critical responses to Talcott Parsons' first major work, The Structure of Social Action (1937), and his two subsequent books, Toward a General Theory of Action and The Social System (both 1951). Because Parsons' work was the subject of such virulent debate, we cannot fully understand Parsons' impact on the discipline of sociology without understanding the source and nature of those early criticisms. I trace the responses to Parsons, first through book reviews and private letters and then in the more substantial statements of C. Wright Mills, George Homans, and Alvin Gouldner, from the largely positive but superficial reception of Structure to the polemics that followed Parsons' 1951 works. In the late 1930s and 1940s, Parsons' reputation grew steadily but there remained no careful reception of Structure, fostering resentment toward Parsons in some quarters while precluding a sophisticated understanding of his work. After 1951, a few critics capitalized on that tension, writing sweeping rejections of Parsons' work that spoke to a much broader audience of sociologists. That dynamic, coupled with Parsons' own indifference toward his harshest critics, produced a situation in which many sociologists simply chose not to read Parsons in the 1950s and 1960s, reinforcing a caricature and distorting perceptions of Parsons' place in mid-twentieth-century American sociology. © 2010 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. [source] Karl Barth on the Ascension: An Appreciation and CritiqueINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY, Issue 2 2000Douglas Farrow This exposition of Barth's doctrine of the ascension in Volume IV of the Church Dogmatics,,one of the major works of ascension theology', begins by highlighting some central themes in representative patristic and modern discussions of the ascension and then provides a close and critical reading of the Dogmatics. Of special interest are questions regarding Barth's understanding of the specificity of the Christ-event, the structure of his doctrine of reconciliation, the relation of ontology and soteriology, and the function of the doctrine of the ascension in a thoroughly a posteriori theology. [source] Value of leisure time based on individuals' mode choice behaviorJOURNAL OF ADVANCED TRANSPORTATION, Issue 2 2004Ming-Shong Shiaw Abstract Values of time have been defined in various forms such as value of leisure time (shadow price of time), value of travel time, and value of saving time, and are mostly measured based on individuals' travel choice behavior. The main purpose of this study is to estimate the value of leisure time by general mode choice models. The estimated level can be used to evaluate the benefits from the increasing leisure time gained by people in Taiwan after the government has practiced a series of policies to shorten employee's working hours in the last few years. To justify the application, this study reviews and reinterprets the theoretical results of some major works on value of time derivations. Then to practically estimate the value of leisure time, it suggests a method of combining revealed preference and stated preference data for application. Finally, it conducts an empirical study on travelers' mode choices behavior in Taiwan to carry out the method suggested. The value of leisure time is estimated at 56NT$ per hour (around 1.65US$/hr), which is even lower than the minimum wage rate regulated by Taiwan government. [source] Milestones in ecological thought , A canon for plant ecologyJOURNAL OF VEGETATION SCIENCE, Issue 2 2005Paul A. Keddy Abstract. Scientific progress in plant ecology is at risk of being obscured by increasing ignorance of major works in the field. The driving force seems to be the twin seductions of novelty and crowd psychology. I illustrate this tendency with three examples from plant community ecology that span the past thirty years of ecological research. I offer, as one solution, the concept of a canon: a short list of essential books that we assume all students and co-workers have read, a short list that summarizes the wisdom of the discipline. A canon can be likened to DNA, be it in music, art, or science, as it carries forward through time the key ideas that have worked in the past. Without a canon, there is no memory of past achievement, no context for appreciating current work, and no way of judging the quality of newer productions. I suggest 20 essential books (the short canon), and 22 complementary readings, for a total of 42 books needed in any young professional's library on plant ecology. [source] Linguistic Anthropology in 2008: An Election-Cycle GuideAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 2 2009Paja Faudree ABSTRACT Loosely following the structure of the U.S. election cycle, I identify some of the more important institutions and events that have recently served as venues for field-building scholarly practices and processes in linguistic anthropology. I examine various trends and concerns animating recent publications on language and social life. I discuss the ongoing impact on the field of recent major works that attempt to codify methodological and theoretical approaches to the intersection of language and society. I also consider some of linguistic anthropology's emergent ventures, including new collaborative projects and new proposals for interdisciplinary work. Finally, I discuss some of the political implications of academic specialization, disciplinary boundaries, and impending "generational shift," both in the subdiscipline and the academy generally. I close by raising questions about future directions and possibilities for research in linguistic anthropology and other interdisciplinary enterprises. [Keywords: linguistic anthropology, interdisciplinarity, linguistic ideology, semiotic practices, linguistic variation] [source] Why Don't Anthropologists Like Children?AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 2 2002Associate Professor Lawrence A. Hirschfeld Few major works in anthropology focus specifically on children, a curious state of affairs given that virtually all contemporary anthropology is based on the premise that culture is learned, not inherited. Although children have a remarkable and undisputed capacity for learning generally, and learning culture in particular, in significant measure anthropology has shown little interest in them and their lives. This article examines the reasons for this lamentable lacunae and offers theoretical and empirical reasons for repudiating it. Resistance to child-focused scholarship, it is argued, is a byproduct of (1) an impoverished view of cultural learning that overestimates the role adults play and underestimates the contribution that children make to cultural reproduction, and (2) a lack of appreciation of the scope and force of children's culture, particularly in shaping adult culture. The marginalization of children and childhood, it is proposed, has obscured our understanding of how cultural forms emerge and why they are sustained. Two case studies, exploring North American children's beliefs about social contamination, illustrate these points. [Keywords: anthropology of childhood, children's culture, acquisition of cultural knowledge, race] [source] | ||||||||||