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Labor Governments (labor + government)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences87%

Selected Abstracts

Trade Liberalisation and the Australian Labor Party

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 4 2002
Andrew Leigh
The three most substantial decisions to reduce Australia's trade barriers , in 1973, 1988 and 1991 , were made by Labor Governments. Labor's policy shift preceded the conversion of social democratic parties in other countries to trade liberalisation. To understand why this was so, it is necessary to consider trade policy as being shaped by more than interest groups and political institutions. Drawing on interviews with the main political figures, including Gough Whitlam, Bob Hawke, Paul Keating and John Button, this article explores why the intellectual arguments for free trade had such a powerful impact on Labor's leadership, and how those leaders managed to implement major tariff cuts, while largely maintaining party unity. [source]

Australia, Canada, and the International Economy in the Era of Postwar Reconstruction, 1945,50

AUSTRALIAN ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 2 2000
Tim Rooth
Early hopes that a multilateral economy could be speedily restored after World War II were shattered by the sterling crisis of 1947. In the ensuing retreat to bilateralism, Canada acted vigorously to strengthen economic links with the Americans, and in the late 1940s its export dependence on the United States increased dramatically. The Australian response to the crisis was to tighten trading and financial connections with Britain and the rest of the sterling area. The limitations of UK supply capacity, however, eventually encouraged a reversal of policy after the fall of the Labor government, and Australia turned to the dollar area to tap additional resources for accelerated economic development. [source]

The Council for the Australian Federation: A New Structure of Australian Federalism

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2 2008
Anne Tiernan
In October 2006, state premiers and territory chief ministers gathered in Melbourne for the first meeting of the Council for the Australian Federation (CAF). This little-heralded event marked the beginning of the first formalised structure for state and territory only collaboration since Federation. This article describes the genesis and creation of this new structural response to ongoing state concerns about the trend to an increasingly centralised pattern of Commonwealth-state relations. It identifies the intended functions of the Council, which include: acting as a mechanism for coordinating approaches to negotiations with the Commonwealth; operating as a clearing house for policy ideas in Australia and internationally; harmonising regulatory frameworks; and developing improvements to service delivery in areas of state responsibility. Informed by interviews with key players involved with its establishment and documentary sources, this article assesses CAF's performance during its first 18 months of operation. It explores the hopes and aspirations of key CAF stakeholders, and some of the issues that have confronted the fledgling organisation. Personnel changes among the cohort of state and territory leaders, and the election of a federal Labor government in November 2007 have altered the dynamics of CAF. The article argues that CAF's emergence is an attempt by sub-national governments to develop new capacity and leverage to address the asymmetries that characterise contemporary Australian federalism. However, there are questions about CAF's future, particularly about state and territory governments' capacity to pursue collaborative agendas given the pace and scope of Kevin Rudd's ,new federalism' reforms and the demands it is placing on their policy and administrative systems. [source]

Australian Antecedents of the Third Way

POLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 4 2002
Chris Pierson
New Labour theorists have been prone to identify American New Progressivism as the proximate source of ,third way' ideas. In this article we argue that, if the focus is on the governing practice rather than on the naming of a governing orientation, a case can be made for seeing Australian Labor in government from 1983 to 1996 as a progenitor of third way thinking and as a specific source of New Labour policy development in a number of areas. Taking Stuart White's account of the main dimensions of third way programmatic realignment as our guide, we discuss the success of the Hawke/Keating Labor governments in reducing the direct provider role of state, developing new forms of collective provision, reforming the tax system, making social policy more employment-friendly and creating the institutions of an asset-based egalitarianism. We conclude by pointing out that, whilst there are many common themes in Australian Labor practice and New Labor rhetoric, and some evidence of specific policy transfer from one to the other, a plausible case can also be made for seeing many of the policy initiatives of the Hawke/Keating era as a reworking of an older Australian Labor tradition of regulatory state activism. [source]

Australia's Attitude Toward Asian Values and Regional Community Building1

POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 1 2007
Purnendra Jain
Australia's engagement with Asian countries has often been problematic. In recent times, both for economic and security purposes, Australia has sought to deepen its relationship with its Asian neighbors, seeking, among other things, a more formal, ongoing role with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The response of Asian countries has not always been welcoming, with some Asian leaders questioning the value, appropriateness, and consequences of Australian engagement with Asia. This article reviews the policies of successive Australian governments toward Asia, ranging from the more enthusiastic approach of Labor governments to the more ambivalent position taken under the current prime minister, John Howard. While Australia is not in a position to endorse "Asian values," whatever these may be, neither is it in the country's interest to remain aloof from a region important to its economic prosperity and security. [source]

The "Middle Power" Concept in Australian Foreign Policy

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 4 2007
Carl Ungerer
During the early 1990s, the Hawke and Keating Labor governments promoted Australia's diplomatic credentials as an activist and independent middle power. Labor claimed that by acting as a middle power Australia was constructing a novel diplomatic response to the challenges of the post-Cold War world. But a closer reading of the official foreign policy record since 1945 reveals that previous conservative governments have also taken a similar view of Australia's place and position on the international stage. This essay traces the historical evolution of the middle power concept in Australian foreign policy and concludes with an assessment of the Howard government's more recent reluctance to use this label and its implications for Australia's future middle power credentials. Although its use has waxed and waned in official policy discourse and it is more commonly associated with Labor governments, the middle power concept itself and the general diplomatic style it conveys have been one of the most durable and consistent elements of Australia's diplomatic practice. [source]

Diplomacy Interrupted?: Macmahon Ball, Evatt and Labor's Policies in Occupied Japan,

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 2 2006
Christine de Matos
Historiography on the Australian political and diplomatic role in the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945,1952) gives disproportionate attention to the meetings between the Australian Minister for External Affairs, H.V. Evatt, and the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Japan (SCAP), General Douglas MacArthur, in Tokyo during 1947. These meetings are then linked to the subsequent resignation from the Allied Council for Japan (ACJ) of William Macmahon Ball, an Australian academic representing the British Commonwealth, and used to justify the claim that Australian policy towards Occupied Japan was unpredictable and ad hoc. This attention to Ball's resignation has distorted analysis of Australia's role in, and policies towards, Japan during the Occupation. This article argues that there is a need to develop a new historical discourse for the Australian role in the Occupation, one that moves beyond the intrigues of personalities and investigates diplomatic policy practice and its underlying ideals. This, in turn, may encourage other scholars to rethink the wider conduct and practice of foreign policy under the Labor governments of the 1940s. [source]