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International Order (international + order)
Selected AbstractsUncovering the Source of International OrderINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Brian McCormack No abstract is available for this article. [source] The War against Iraq and International Order: From Bull to Bush,INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2004Galia Press-Barnathan This essay has two goals: (1) to examine US foreign policy leading to the war in Iraq through the lens of Bull's (1977) classic book, The Anarchical Society, and (2) to explore in a unipolar, hegemonic system the relevance and power of the institutional mechanisms that are supposed to preserve international society according to Bull. It also addresses the implications of the events from September 11, 2001, through the war in Iraq for the ongoing debate within the Grotian school regarding the limits of international society and the international society,world society divide. [source] The Roman Predicament: How the Rules of International Order Create the Politics of Empire , By Harold JamesTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 4 2007Timothy J. Lomperis No abstract is available for this article. [source] Globalisation, Security and International Order After 11 SeptemberAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 3 2003Mark Beeson This article advances the discussion of the contentious question of links between global inequalities of power and violent responses, focussing on globalisation and non-inclusive forms of governance. Drawing on international political economy, the article criticises the "nationstate-centrism" in much political discourse, suggesting that both authority and security need to be reconsidered , to account for less plausible national borders and controls. It suggests that "human security" (including issues of development and equality) ought to replace "national security" as the primary focus of public policy. It draws attention to the intractability of difference, insisting that the terrorism of 2001 has complex transnational antecedents. Realist approaches to international order have become part of a problem to be overcome through further intellectual debate. [source] HARMONIZING REGULATIONS FOR BIOMEDICAL RESEARCH: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE US AND VENEZUELAN SYSTEMSDEVELOPING WORLD BIOETHICS, Issue 3 2008DANNIE DI TILLIO-GONZALEZ ABSTRACT This article aims to compare the national legal systems that regulate biomedical research in an industrialized country (United States) and a developing country (Venezuela). A new international order is emerging in which Europe, Japan and the United States (US) are revising common guidelines and harmonizing standards. In this article, we analyze , as an example , the US system. This system is controlled by a federal agency structured to regulate research funded by the federal government uniformly, either in the US or abroad. In contrast, in Venezuela, a developing country, the creation of a centralized system is a slow process. Different types of ethical committees review research projects using non-uniform criteria. Consequently, various parallel organizations that conduct biomedical research, such as universities, research institutes and private hospitals have diverse regulations operating at a local level. Thus, the most relevant difference between the Venezuelan and the US systems is the degree of standardization. In the US, the review process is performed by institutional review boards (IRBs), which have a similar organization and maintain relationships with a centralized agency, following standard regulations. Although new proposals for establishing national regulations are currently being considered in Venezuela, the success of these initiatives will depend on promoting governmental efforts to create a more structured centralized system supported by a national regulatory framework. This system will need governmental financial support at all levels. This article proposes an integrated system to regulate research with human participants in Venezuela and other developing countries. [source] IN DEFENCE OF EMPIRES1ECONOMIC AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2003Deepak Lal This article argues the case for empires. They provided global order in the nineteenth century. Their dissolution in the twentieth century resulted in global disorder. A blind spot in the classical liberal tradition was its assumption that international order would be a spontaneous by-product of limited government and unilateral free trade practised at home. This denial of power politics flowed into twentieth-century Wilsonianism. Now, there is no alternative to US imperial power to supply the global Pax. Whether the USA is willing to fulfil this role is open to question. [source] Bridging the Realist/Constructivist Divide: The Case of the Counterrevolution in Soviet Foreign Policy at the End of the Cold WarFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 1 2005Robert S. Snyder The surprising end of the Cold War has led to a debate within international relations (IR) theory. Constructivists have argued that the end of the Cold War is best explained in terms of ideas and agency,specifically Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev's new thinking. A few realists have countered that Soviet material decline was "endogenous" to the new ideas. Can these two theoretical perspectives be reconciled with respect to this case? They can be partially integrated with a path-dependent strategy that places an emphasis on "institutions." Nevertheless, explaining the end of the Cold War largely requires a theory of Soviet foreign policy and its relation to the state. As a former or ossified revolutionary state, Soviet foreign policy for at least several years was largely based on the principle of externalization: outside threats were used to rationalize radical centralization, repression, and the dominance of the Party. In using the USSR's institutionalized legacy as a revolutionary state, Gorbachev acted as a counterrevolutionary and reversed this process with his revolution in foreign policy. In creating a new peaceful international order, he sought,through the "second image reversed",to promote radical decentralization, liberalization, and the emergence of a new coalition. The case examines how Gorbachev's domestic goals drove his foreign policy from 1985 to 1991. [source] Shifts in Global Security Policies: Why They Matter for the SouthIDS BULLETIN, Issue 2 2009Susan L. Woodward The global security order has been evolving since 1989, led initially by the USA to expand its post-1945 order in Europe to the rest of the world but propelled as well by competition and debates within that post-Second World War alliance, as collective victors in the Cold War, about how to define a new international order. This article identifies three US policies that began this restructuring; their parallel redefinitions of security, and the tensions provoked by this agenda and its consequences, both within the ,North', replacing the ,West', between North and ,South', replacing the,East'and the resulting multiple opportunities for alternative political coalitions, North against South, between North and South, and within the South, that have yet to play themselves out fully. The resulting fluidity has not yet stabilised into a new international security order. [source] The Child Soldier in North-South Relations,INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2009Lorraine Macmillan This paper critiques the hegemonic constructions of child soldiers to be found in civil society and Anglophone media accounts. Close examination of these texts reveals that the discourse mirrors Anglophone imaginaries and preoccupations over childhood rather than the distinctive concerns of child soldiers themselves. It claims that the discourse accomplishes considerable political work in buttressing the international order between the global North and South. Furthermore, it asserts that the discourse operates as a site where wider Anglophone fears over the functioning of its personal, "private" sphere can be rehearsed and disciplined. [source] The International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and the Political Lessons from the Asian Crises of 1997,1998INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 170 2001Luiz A. Pereira da Silva In the light of the 1997-98 Asian Crises that revealed to the general public more about the modus operandi and "raison d'être" of the Bretton Woods IFIs, this paper reviews the criticisms coming from the Left and the Right against them. Both sides suggest closing or limiting the IFIs' role but for opposite motives. The paper assesses the respective merits of these critiques to determine whether the IFIs can be seen as a prelude of a new, democratic global international order or, conversely, as merely the instruments of the "old" conservative world. [source] The Insecure Social Protection of Migrant Workers From the MaghrebINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SECURITY REVIEW, Issue 2 2000Abdellah Boudahrain Is it possible to speak of just and equitable social protection for the active populations of poor countries which suffer from development problems and are dominated by an international order in which only the law of the strongest prevails, especially when those populations emigrate to seek work in order to live or merely to survive? Universal standards that are supposed to ensure some measure of international coordination of national legislation and practice in social security between developed countries and the so-called developing countries suffer from this somewhat original form of inequality. The adaptation of such standards at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels only reflects the discrimination and selfish interests of States and of the rich and powerful, and indeed of broad sectors of their civil society who reject others simply because of their different culture and traditions. The debate is more involved than at first it may seem. By accepting others as being like oneself one can imagine a better world in which, when people move freely - including migrant workers and their families - they enjoy effective protection through social security. A study of the situation of Maghreb migrants employed and residing in western Europe and the Gulf States has much to teach us in this respect, especially in determining whether any form of solidarity is plausible or achievable in some not too distant future. [source] "The Deal": The Balance of Power, Military Strength, and Liberal Internationalism in the Bush National Security StrategyINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 1 2008Adam Quinn The Bush National Security Strategy, even as it calls for "a balance of power that favors freedom," in truth rejects a balance of power approach to international order. It foresees instead the cooperation of all Great Powers under American leadership in furtherance of a common agenda imagined to be founded in universal values. Such rejection of a genuine "balance of power" approach represents a coherent evolution from America's long tradition of foreign policy thought. Emerging from its founding tradition of separation, U.S. strategic thought was influenced both by Theodore Roosevelt's advocacy of military strength in the service of good and Woodrow Wilson's ideological conviction that American engagement in the world could be made conditional on the pursuit of global reform in line with an idealized conception of American values and practices. The conviction that this notional "deal" is still valid provides this administration's ideological bedrock. The Bush worldview should not be seen as a radically new phenomenon, but as a logical outgrowth from the American foreign policy tradition. [source] American Hegemony and the Future of East,West RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 1 2006DAVID A. LAKE This brief essay sketches a view of international politics as a realm of variegated hierarchy and highlights the importance of authority in the conduct of hegemonic foreign policies. After developing a conception of hierarchy in international relations, the framework is applied to the future East,West relations. Conflict with rising powers, especially China, is not foreordained, but is a function in part of the policy choices made by the United States. In the long run, China will overtake the United States in some aggregate measures of international power. If current trends continue, and the United States attempts to counter this challenge on its own, it will slowly but inexorably lose its supremacy. On the other hand, by building authority, the United States can, at a minimum, face a future Chinese superpower with strong subordinates who benefit from its leadership. At a maximum, it might even succeed in locking China into an American-dominated international order. [source] Transaction Cost Estimation and International Regimes: Of Crystal Balls and Sheriff's PossesINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2004Michael Lipson In the aftermath of the 2003 war in Iraq, there is growing concern over the durability of international institutions and their capacity to withstand international change. Transaction costs are a central factor in theoretical explanations of the conditions under which international institutions will persist or be replaced. Rational institutionalists expect regimes to persist after conditions underlying their creation have changed because of the transaction costs of negotiating a replacement regime. Andrew Moravcsik has recently challenged this view, arguing that such costs are generally low and, in any case, arise from domestic and transnational sources rather than interstate bargaining. Others have argued that transaction costs shape the structure of security institutions. All these approaches assume that states can accurately forecast the transaction costs of maintaining or replacing an international regime. However, as an examination of the replacement of the Coordinating Committee on Multilateral Export Controls (CoCom) by the Wassenaar Arrangement demonstrates, this assumption is not necessarily warranted. This essay reviews transaction-cost-based theories of international cooperation and proposes that incorporation of a variable concerned with states' capacity to estimate transaction costs would improve our theoretical understanding of institutional persistence and change. Moreover, it considers problems of defining and measuring transaction costs, assesses factors limiting states' accurate estimation of transaction costs, and presents some propositions regarding transaction cost estimation and regime persistence. The essay also examines the implications of inaccurate transaction cost estimation for recent US foreign policy and international order. [source] Regionalism: Old and NewINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2003Raimo Väyrynen This review of recent literature on political, economic, and cultural regionalism shows that this area of inquiry has become increasingly fragmented not only as a result of debates between the protagonists of methodological approaches but also because of underlying changes in international relations. Traditional views concerning the state-centric regional system are being challenged by the concentration of political and military power at the top as well as by transnational networks built around economic ties and cultural identities. Early post-Cold War expectations that regions and regional concerts would form the foundation for a new international order have proven untenable. Instead, regions appear to arise either through the dissemination of various transactions and externalities or as protection against the hegemony of capitalist globalization and great-power politics. Older conceptions of regionalism need to be redefined and reintegrated into current international relations theories. [source] Facing a Post-American WorldNEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2008FAREED ZAKARIA American-led globalization has enabled the third great powershift of the last five hundred years,the "rise of the rest" following on the rise of the West and then the rise of the US as the dominant power in the West. When China, India, Brazil, Turkey and the rest sit at the table of global power with the West what will the world order look like? Will it be post-American? Will it be culturally non-Western, but play by the same rules of an open international order laid down by the American's after World War II? In the following pages, leading American and Asian intellectuals ponder these questions. [source] Here Comes the Second WorldNEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2008PARAG KHANNA American-led globalization has enabled the third great powershift of the last five hundred years,the "rise of the rest" following on the rise of the West and then the rise of the US as the dominant power in the West. When China, India, Brazil, Turkey and the rest sit at the table of global power with the West what will the world order look like? Will it be post-American? Will it be culturally non-Western, but play by the same rules of an open international order laid down by the American's after World War II? In the following pages, leading American and Asian intellectuals ponder these questions. [source] The Path Not Taken: Leonard White and the Macrodynamics of Administrative DevelopmentPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 4 2009Alasdair Roberts Leonard White, The Federalists: A Study in Administrative History (New York: Macmillan, 1948). Leonard White, The Jeffersonians: A Study in Administrative History, 1801,1829 (New York: Macmillan, 1951). Leonard White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History, 1829,1861 (New York: Macmillan, 1954). Leonard White, The Republican Era, 1869,1901: A Study in Administrative History (New York, Macmillan, 1958). This is a review of four books by Leonard White: The Federalists (1948), The Jeffersonians (1951), The Jacksonians (1954), and The Republican Era (1958). In these books, White develops an approach to the study of administrative development that accounts for a broad range of considerations, including political and economic structure, the organization of the international order, popular culture, the stock of available communication and organizational technologies, and executive talent. White also offers an early argument about the significance of path dependence in institutional evolution. White's approach is largely concerned with the macrodynamics of administrative development. It has been neglected within the field of public administration over the last half century. A literature that builds on White's work would improve the field's ability to explain and anticipate failures in state building and administrative reform. [source] Sacred Sovereigns and Punishable War Crimes: The Ambivalence of the Wilson Administration towards a Trial of Kaiser Wilhelm II,AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 4 2007Binoy Kampmark Conventional wisdom characterises President Woodrow Wilson as a progressive internationalist in the making of foreign policy, sceptical of international practices such as secret diplomacy and balance-of-power theories. An examination of the Wilson Administration's record in quelling Allied attempts to punish Kaiser Wilhelm II after the end of the First World War provides a contrasting view. The White House, leading figures in the State Department and a large grouping of prominent lawyers argued that punishing the German sovereign for waging war in violation of treaties would destabilise international order and lose the peace. Current American reluctance to participate in the International Criminal Court and fears of an undue intrusion of an international judiciary on the merits of foreign policy make an understanding of these reservations timely. [source] Globalisation, Security and International Order After 11 SeptemberAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 3 2003Mark Beeson This article advances the discussion of the contentious question of links between global inequalities of power and violent responses, focussing on globalisation and non-inclusive forms of governance. Drawing on international political economy, the article criticises the "nationstate-centrism" in much political discourse, suggesting that both authority and security need to be reconsidered , to account for less plausible national borders and controls. It suggests that "human security" (including issues of development and equality) ought to replace "national security" as the primary focus of public policy. It draws attention to the intractability of difference, insisting that the terrorism of 2001 has complex transnational antecedents. Realist approaches to international order have become part of a problem to be overcome through further intellectual debate. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||