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Alternative Spaces (alternative + space)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences66%

Selected Abstracts

Improving Power for Testing Genetic Association in Case,Control Studies by Reducing the Alternative Space

BIOMETRICS, Issue 1 2010
Jungnam Joo
Summary To detect association between a genetic marker and a disease in case,control studies, the Cochran,Armitage trend test is typically used. The trend test is locally optimal when the genetic model is correctly specified. However, in practice, the underlying genetic model, and hence the optimal trend test, are usually unknown. In this case, Pearson's chi-squared test, the maximum of three trend test statistics (optimal for the recessive, additive, and dominant models), and the test based on genetic model selection (GMS) are useful. In this article, we first modify the existing GMS method so that it can be used when the risk allele is unknown. Then we propose a new approach by excluding a genetic model that is not supported by the data. Using either the model selection or exclusion, the alternative space is reduced conditional on the observed data, and hence the power to detect a true association can be increased. Simulation results are reported and the proposed methods are applied to the genetic markers identified from the genome-wide association studies conducted by the Wellcome Trust Case,Control Consortium. The results demonstrate that the genetic model exclusion approach usually performs better than existing methods under its worst situation across scientifically plausible genetic models we considered. [source]

A Refuge in Thunder: Candomble and Alternative Spaces of Blackness

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 3 2001
John Burdick
Refuge in Thunder: Candomble and Alternative Spaces of Blackness. Rachel E. Harding. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000. ix. 251 pp., appendix, notes, bibliography. [source]

Alternative Spaces of the "Argentinazo"

ANTIPODE, Issue 5 2004
Peter North
The ongoing instability in Argentina that emerged from the December 2001 uprising in Buenos Aires (the "Argentinazo") has been one of the highest profile examples in recent years of reaction to the economic "disciplining" of a country. For enthusiasts, this reaction has been resistance, an upsurge against neoliberalisation by people conscious of what was happening and with alternative conceptions of how things should be (Aufheben 2003; Carrera and Cotarelo 2003; Dinerstein 2002; Galeano 2002; Harman 2002; "IM" 2002; Klein 2003a, 2003b; MAS 2002; Ollier 2003). Subaltern resistances such as those developed by Argentines have been the subject of much geographical writing on resistance in recent years (Castells 1997; Leyshon, Lee and Williams 2003; Pile and Keith 1997; Sharp et al 2000). This paper addresses the range of actions, or "action repertoire"(Tarrow 1998:20,21), of the Argentinazo to examine the extent to which alternative material and discursive "convergence spaces"(Routledge 2003) of political engagement emerged both as resistance to, and articulating a coherent alternative to, neoliberalism. [source]

Improving Power for Testing Genetic Association in Case,Control Studies by Reducing the Alternative Space

BIOMETRICS, Issue 1 2010
Jungnam Joo
Summary To detect association between a genetic marker and a disease in case,control studies, the Cochran,Armitage trend test is typically used. The trend test is locally optimal when the genetic model is correctly specified. However, in practice, the underlying genetic model, and hence the optimal trend test, are usually unknown. In this case, Pearson's chi-squared test, the maximum of three trend test statistics (optimal for the recessive, additive, and dominant models), and the test based on genetic model selection (GMS) are useful. In this article, we first modify the existing GMS method so that it can be used when the risk allele is unknown. Then we propose a new approach by excluding a genetic model that is not supported by the data. Using either the model selection or exclusion, the alternative space is reduced conditional on the observed data, and hence the power to detect a true association can be increased. Simulation results are reported and the proposed methods are applied to the genetic markers identified from the genome-wide association studies conducted by the Wellcome Trust Case,Control Consortium. The results demonstrate that the genetic model exclusion approach usually performs better than existing methods under its worst situation across scientifically plausible genetic models we considered. [source]

Toronto's gay village (1969,1982): plotting the politics of gay identity

THE CANADIAN GEOGRAPHER/LE GEOGRAPHE CANADIEN, Issue 1 2006
Catherine Jean Nash
Between the late 1960s and the early 1980s, a loose association of gay social spaces consolidated into what is now known as the ,gay village' in the Church and Wellesley street areas in downtown Toronto. Scholars argue that, while these residential and commercial districts evolved prior to the formation of organized gay political organizations, they suggest that the emergence of these districts as political and commercial districts was a direct result of deliberate local gay activism. I argue here that contrary to this literature and for much of its history, the gay movement was largely opposed to the existence of specifically gay-identified spaces, particularly those operated by both heterosexual and homosexual businesspersons. Toronto's gay activists, using different ideological frameworks, struggled to constitute a homosexual identity that stood mainly in opposition to the so-called ,ghetto gay' and to construct alternative spaces that were seen as more appropriate to the formation of a properly politicized homosexual identity. Nevertheless, by the early 1980s, as the gay village continued to thrive and as the players in gay movement politics changed, the gay ghetto became the gay village and was celebrated as a location of political strength and social necessity. This article explores that material and symbolic transformation. Entre les années 60 en retard et le début des années 80, une association lâche des espaces sociaux gais consolidés dans ce qui est maintenant connu comme ,village gai ,dans l'église et la région de rues de Wellesley dedans Toronto du centre. Les disciples discutent cela tandis que ces résidentiel et commercial les zones ont évolué avant la formation de politique gai organisé des organismes, ils proposent que l'apparition de ces zones comme politique et les zones commerciales étaient un résultat direct d'activisme gai local délibéré. J'argue du fait ici que contraire à cette littérature et pour beaucoup de son histoire, le mouvement gai a été en grande partie opposéà l'existence spécifiquement de gai les espaces identifiés, en particulier ceux ont fonctionné par le hétérosexuel et hommes d'affaires homosexuels. Les activistes gais de Toronto, en utilisant idéologique différent cadres, luttés pour constituer homosexuel d'identité tenu principalement dedans opposition au prétendu ,ghetto gai ,et aux espaces d'alternative de construction cela ont été vus comme plus appropriéà la formation de l'correctement politisée identité homosexuelle. Néanmoins, par le début des années 80, comme village gai suite pour prospérer et pendant que les joueurs dans la politique gaie de mouvement changeaient, le ghetto gai est devenu le village gai et a été célébré comme endroit de politique force et nécessité sociale. Ces article explore ce matériel et symbolique transformation. [source]