Group Representation (group + representation)

Distribution by Scientific Domains


Selected Abstracts


Making it Work: Supporting Group Representation in a Liberal Democratic Organization

GENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 4 2001
Anne McBride
Providing oppressed social groups with rights of representation is one suggestion for counteracting bias towards privileged groups in society. In order to counteract a bias towards their white, male, heterosexual, able-bodied membership, a number of trade unions have provided social groups with resources to self-organize and represent their group interests to mainstream decision-makers. However, enabling group representation at the same time as individual representation is problematic in trade unions that are organized along liberal democratic lines. This case study of UNISON shows that while the union supported the self-organization of oppressed social groups, these groups were excluded from matters affecting pay and working conditions. The article argues that this outcome reflects the difficulty of reconciling the representation of social groups with the representation of individuals in a liberal democratic organization. The implications of this organizational framework are illustrated by contrasting the organizing strategies of two women's self-organized groups. While one strategy (the organization of women shop stewards) fits the prevailing organizational structure, the other (the organization of all women) attempts to be different and may have more potential for counteracting the bias towards privileged groups in the future. The article argues that a radical organizational framework is required if oppressed social groups are to gain real power within trade unions. [source]


The Theory and Practice of Group Representation: Reflections on the Governance of Race Equality in Birmingham

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2 2005
Graham Smith
A number of political theorists have recently argued that group representation is essential to the achievement of social justice. However relatively little work exists on the institutional implications of such arguments beyond the analysis of electoral mechanisms to achieve greater representation within legislatures. This leaves unanswered one of the most difficult questions facing policy-makers , how to effectively engage the range of Black and minority ethnic (BME) communities in decision-making processes. Through a detailed analysis of the changing nature of the arrangements in place in Birmingham (UK) to engage BME communities, this paper is able to reflect on the theoretical and practical challenges of group representation in contemporary polities. [source]


Making it Work: Supporting Group Representation in a Liberal Democratic Organization

GENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 4 2001
Anne McBride
Providing oppressed social groups with rights of representation is one suggestion for counteracting bias towards privileged groups in society. In order to counteract a bias towards their white, male, heterosexual, able-bodied membership, a number of trade unions have provided social groups with resources to self-organize and represent their group interests to mainstream decision-makers. However, enabling group representation at the same time as individual representation is problematic in trade unions that are organized along liberal democratic lines. This case study of UNISON shows that while the union supported the self-organization of oppressed social groups, these groups were excluded from matters affecting pay and working conditions. The article argues that this outcome reflects the difficulty of reconciling the representation of social groups with the representation of individuals in a liberal democratic organization. The implications of this organizational framework are illustrated by contrasting the organizing strategies of two women's self-organized groups. While one strategy (the organization of women shop stewards) fits the prevailing organizational structure, the other (the organization of all women) attempts to be different and may have more potential for counteracting the bias towards privileged groups in the future. The article argues that a radical organizational framework is required if oppressed social groups are to gain real power within trade unions. [source]


Does Administrative Corporatism Promote Trust and Deliberation?

GOVERNANCE, Issue 4 2002
Perola Öberg
How corporatist arrangements actually work has not been empirically demonstrated, despite the theoretical focus on interest intermediation. This article investigates whether corporatism affects trust and deliberation in state activities, using Swedish public administration as a case study. First, it is doubtful that corporatism directly promotes trust among citizens, but it very likely promotes trust within and between the represented organizations. Second, interest,group representation cannot be understood as a process of strict delivering of positions adopted in advance. Preferences are often transformed in discussions where other interests are involved. Furthermore, the case investigated here shows that the decision,making process within a corporatist arrangement resembles deliberation, rather than negotiations between "contesting interests." [source]


Gender and Ethnic Differences in Marital Assimilation in the Early Twentieth Century,

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 3 2005
Sharon Sassler
Historical research on intermarriage has overlooked how distinctive patterns of ethnic settlement shape partner choice and assumed that the mate selection process operated the same way for men and women. This study utilizes a sample of youn married adults drawn from the 1910 Census IPUMS to examine 1) whether ethnic variation in partner choice was shaped by differences in group concentration and distribution and 2) if factors shaping outmarriage were gendered. About one fifth of young married Americans had spouses of a different ethnic background in 1910, though there was considerable ethnic variation in outmarriage propensities. Barriers to intermarriage fell at different rates, depending upon ethnic grou, sex, and region of settlement; they were weakest for first-and seconl eneration English men. Structural factors such as group size operatef differently for men and women; while larger group representation increased men's odds of outmarriage to both native stock and other white ethnic wives, women from the ethnic groups with the largest presence were significantly more likely to wed fellow ethnics than the native stock. Ultimately, even if they resided in the same location, the marriage market operated in different ways for ethnic women and men in search of mates. [source]


Does Racial Balance in Workforce Representation Yield Equal Justice?

LAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 4 2009
Race Relations of Sentencing in Federal Court Organizations
Increasing racial and ethnic group representation in justice-related occupations is considered a potential remedy to racial inequality in justice administration, including sentencing disparity. Studies to date yield little evidence of such an effect; however, research limitations may account for the mixed and limited evidence of the significance of justice workforce racial diversity. Specifically, few studies consider group-level dynamics of race and representation, thus failing to contextualize racial group power relations in justice administration. To consider these contextual dynamics we combine court organizational and case-level data from 89 federal districts and use hierarchical models to assess whether variably "representative" work groups relate to district-level differences in sentencing. Using district-specific indexes of population and work group dissimilarity to define representation, we find no relationships between black judge representation and sentencing in general across districts, but that districts with more black representation among prosecutors are significantly less likely to sentence defendants to terms of imprisonment. We also find in districts with increased black representation among prosecutors, and to a lesser degree among judges, that black defendants are less likely to be imprisoned and white defendants are more likely to be imprisoned, with the effect of narrowing black-white disparities in sentencing. Consistent with the "power-threat" perspective, and perhaps "implicit racial bias" research, findings encourage modeling diversity to account for relative racial group power in processes of social control and suggest that racial justice may be moderately advanced by equal representation among authorities. [source]


Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Recognition

POLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 3 2005
Cillian McBride
It is commonly supposed that deliberative democracy and the politics of recognition are natural allies, as both demand a more inclusive politics. It is argued here that this impression is misleading and that the politics of recognition harbours significant anti-deliberative tendencies. Deliberative politics requires a public sphere which is maximally inclusive of diverse beliefs and perspectives, including those which dissent from orthodox understandings of group indentities. By contrast, the politics of recognition typically seeks to insulate such identities from challenge, both from within and without. Devices such as special group representation, while apparently inclusive, risk incentivising an anti-deliberative culture of deference to identity claims. An alternative model of inclusive politics, which involves a more contestatory political culture and a multiplication of deliberative opportunities, is sketched. [source]


The Theory and Practice of Group Representation: Reflections on the Governance of Race Equality in Birmingham

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2 2005
Graham Smith
A number of political theorists have recently argued that group representation is essential to the achievement of social justice. However relatively little work exists on the institutional implications of such arguments beyond the analysis of electoral mechanisms to achieve greater representation within legislatures. This leaves unanswered one of the most difficult questions facing policy-makers , how to effectively engage the range of Black and minority ethnic (BME) communities in decision-making processes. Through a detailed analysis of the changing nature of the arrangements in place in Birmingham (UK) to engage BME communities, this paper is able to reflect on the theoretical and practical challenges of group representation in contemporary polities. [source]


Invariance and factorial models

JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL STATISTICAL SOCIETY: SERIES B (STATISTICAL METHODOLOGY), Issue 2 2000
P. McCullagh
Two factors having the same set of levels are said to be homologous. This paper aims to extend the domain of factorial models to designs that include homologous factors. In doing so, it is necessary first to identify the characteristic property of those vector spaces that constitute the standard factorial models. We argue here that essentially every interesting statistical model specified by a vector space is necessarily a representation of some algebraic category. Logical consistency of the sort associated with the standard marginality conditions is guaranteed by category representations, but not by group representations. Marginality is thus interpreted as invariance under selection of factor levels (I -representations), and invariance under replication of levels (S -representations). For designs in which each factor occurs once, the representations of the product category coincide with the standard factorial models. For designs that include homologous factors, the set of S -representations is a subset of the I -representations. It is shown that symmetry and quasi-symmetry are representations in both senses, but that not all representations include the constant functions (intercept). The beginnings of an extended algebra for constructing general I -representations is described and illustrated by a diallel cross design. [source]


F-products and nonstandard hulls for semigroups

MLQ- MATHEMATICAL LOGIC QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2004
Jakob Kellner
Abstract Derndinger [2] and Krupa [5] defined the F-product of a (strongly continuous one-parameter) semigroup (of linear operators) and presented some applications (e. g. to spectral theory of positive operators, cf. [3]). Wolff (in [7] and [8]) investigated some kind of nonstandard analogon and applied it to spectral theory of group representations. The question arises in which way these constructions are related. In this paper we show that the classical and the nonstandard F-product are isomorphic (Theorem 2.6). We also prove a little "classical" corollary (2.7.). (© 2003 WILEY-VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA, Weinheim) [source]