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Government Structure (government + structure)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	60%
Business, Economics, Finance and Accounting	40%

Selected Abstracts

Was Mancur a Maoist?

ECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 2 2003
An Essay on Kleptocracy, Political Stability
Much of Mancur Olson's work explored the link between government structure and economic development. This paper provides a framework for thinking about this link that exposes both the powerful insights and the deep tensions in Olson's work. In The Rise and Decline of Nations Olson argued that instability was good for democratic accountability because it upset entrenched interests. In contrast, after the fall of the socialist regimes in Europe and the Soviet Union, Olson argued that the stability of a single autocrat or "stationary bandit" was superior to the competitive rent seeking of competing "roving bandits." I argue that there is a real inconsistency in Olson's thinking on the role of stability and change in political life; I do this by developing the connections between Olson's classic Logic of Collective Action and his subsequent writing. The paper concludes by building on Olson's insights to point the way to a more complete analysis of democracy and transition. [source]

Party politicisation of local councils: Cultural or institutional explanations for trends in Denmark, 1966,2005

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2010
ULRIK KJAER
Local government party systems are not necessarily copies of the national party system. In many countries, local party systems have come to resemble the national one more and more , a process Rokkan termed ,party politicisation'. The traditional expectation has been that the take-over of local politics by political parties, through a gradual process of societal modernisation, would eventually be complete. More recently, however, it has been suggested that reorganisations of the institutional set-up , that is, amalgamations of municipalities , could entail developments in the degree of local party system nationalisation. This article investigates cultural and institutional explanations for party politicisation by analysing the Danish case from 1966 to 2005 , a period that witnessed both major amalgamation reforms and periods of stability in the local government structure. The data suggest that dramatic party politicisation does not lend itself to cultural explanations, but originates exclusively from changes in the institutional set-up. Party politicisation is not a gradual process, but comes , at least in Denmark , in leaps coinciding with major reorganisations of the local government structure. [source]

Deposit Insurance, Banking Reform, and Financial Sector Development in Several Nations of Southeastern Europe

FINANCIAL MARKETS, INSTITUTIONS & INSTRUMENTS, Issue 1 2006
By Neil B. Murphy
Deposit insurance has spread to many sections of the world. In the newly formed nations of the former Yugoslavia, this has occurred under conditions of post-conflict reconstruction, hyperinflation, and several different governmental structures. Three cases are examined; Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia and Montenegro. They all have developed deposit insurance programs. The implementation process was compared to "best practice" recommendations. It is found that the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina was difficult due to the fractured nature of the Dayton Accord government structure on the one hand but easier to the strong international presence supporting required actions. In the case of Croatia, a unified state emerged from the war, but it was somewhat isolated. Its bank restructuring was costly, and a fragmented deposit insurance program was introduced in the middle of a banking crisis. In the case of Serbia and Montenegro, the bank restructuring process is still underway, and implementation of a functioning deposit insurance program properly awaits its completion. [source]

The October Riots in France: A Failed Immigration Policy or the Empire Strikes Back?

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 2 2006
Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad
ABSTRACT In October 2005, the predominately Arab-immigrant suburbs of Paris, Lyon, Lille and other French cities erupted in riots by socially alienated teenagers, many of them second- or third-generation immigrants. For many French observers, it was a painful reminder that France's immigration policy had, quite bluntly, failed. The grand French ideal of égalité, the equality of all citizens of the Republic, itself a by-product of France's colonial past, demonstrated its incompatibility with twenty-first century reality. The French immigration experience is markedly different than those of other European countries, as France's is tainted by colonial history, republican idealism, a rigidly centralized government structure, and deep-seeded traditions of xenophobia. Indeed, the nineteenth century French policy of the mission civilicatrice (civilizing mission) still influences French policy toward its immigrants today: rather than accept cultural differences, the French government demands that all its citizens adhere to a rigid and exclusive "French" identity. As such, the children of the generation of immigrants that the French government actively brought to France to fuel its post-war expansion now find themselves unemployed and socially marginalized. Government social structures meant to ease the disparity between social classes, such as public housing and education, generally do more to aggravate problems than to solve them; public housing is woefully inadequate and the education structure institutionalizes the poor quality of schools in immigrant communities. Despite this generally poor outlook, the French have recently made some progress toward better integration of their immigrant communities, though these efforts are generally met with wide-spread demagogic and populist opposition. LES ÉMEUTES D'OCTOBRE EN FRANCE: ÉCHEC DE LA POLITIQUE D'IMMIGRATION OU L'EMPIRE CONTRE-ATTAQUE? En octobre 2005, dans les banlieues de Paris, Lyon, Lille et d'autres villes françaises, oú prédominent les immigrés arabes, des émeutes ont éclaté, menées par des adolescents socialement aliénés, dont beaucoup étaient des immigrés de deuxième ou troisième génération. Pour nombre d'observateurs français, ces événements ont douloureusement confirmé que la politique d'immigration de la France était un échec cuisant. Le magnifique idéal français d'égalité de tous les citoyens de la République, lui-même un sous-produit du passé colonial de la France, se révélait décidément incompatible avec la réalité du 21e siècle. En matière d'immigration, l'expérience de la France est sensiblement différente de celle des autres pays européens, la France étant marquée par une histoire coloniale, un idéalisme républicain, une structure gouvernementale rigidement centralisée et une tradition de xénophobie profondément ancrée. D'ailleurs, l'approche française de la mission civilisatrice, qui avait cours au 19e siècle, continue d'influencer la politique de la France à l'égard de ses immigrés: plutôt que d'accepter les différences culturelles, le Gouvernement français exige que tous les citoyens adhèrent à une identité « française » à la fois rigide et exclusive. Les enfants des immigrés que le Gouvernement français avait fait venir en France pour soutenir son expansion d'après-guerre se retrouvent maintenant au chômage et socialement marginalisés. Les structures sociales gouvernementales destinées à atténuer les disparités entre classes sociales, notamment le logement social et l'enseignement, font souvent plus pour aggraver les problèmes que pour les résoudre. Les logements sociaux sont cruellement insuffisants et le système d'enseignement institutionnalise la mauvaise qualité des établissements scolaires fréquentés par les communautés d'immigrés. Malgré ces perspectives généralement médiocres, les Français ont fait des progrès dans le sens d'une meilleure intégration de ces communautés, bien que ces efforts se heurtent généralement à une importante opposition teintée de démagogie et de populisme. LAS REVUELTAS DE OCTUBRE EN FRANCIA: ¿UNA POLÍTICA DE INMIGRACIÓN ERRÓNEA O EL IMPERIO CONTRAATACA? En octubre de 2005, los barrios donde predomina la inmigración árabe de París, Lyon, Lille y otras ciudades francesas fueron el escenario de revueltas de adolescentes socialmente alienados, muchos de ellos inmigrantes de segunda o tercera generación. Para muchos observadores franceses, fue un doloroso recordatorio de que, con bastante claridad, la política de inmigración de Francia había fracasado. El gran ideal francés de l'égalité, es decir, la igualdad de todos los ciudadanos de la República, consecuencia en sí misma del pasado colonial francés, demostró su incompatibilidad con la realidad del siglo XXI. La experiencia de la inmigración francesa es muy distinta a la de otros países europeos, ya que Francia está marcada por su historia colonial, el idealismo republicano, una estructura gubernamental estrictamente centralizada y unas tradiciones arraigadas de xenofobia. Ciertamente, la política francesa del siglo XIX de la mission civilisatrice (misión civilizadora) influye aún hoy en la política francesa sobre inmigración: más que aceptar las diferencias culturales, el Gobierno francés exige que todos sus ciudadanos se adhieran a una identidad "francesa" rígida y exclusiva. Los hijos de la generación de inmigrantes a los que el Gobierno francés alentó activamente a ir a Francia para impulsar la expansión de la postguerra se encuentran ahora sin trabajo y marginados de la sociedad. Las estructuras sociales del Estado, encaminadas a disminuir la disparidad entre clases sociales, tales como la vivienda y la educación públicas, contribuyen generalmente a agravar los problemas más que a solucionarlos: las viviendas públicas son lamentablemente inadecuadas y la estructura educativa institucionaliza la escasa calidad de las escuelas de las comunidades de inmigrantes. A pesar de este panorama en general poco prometedor, los franceses han logrado recientemente algunos progresos hacia una mejor integración de sus comunidades inmigrantes, aunque estos esfuerzos se encuentran a menudo con una oposición demagógica y populista ampliamente extendida. [source]

Black gold to green gold: regional energy policy and the rehabilitation of coal in response to climate change

AREA, Issue 1 2009
Frances Drake
Energy production has come under increasing scrutiny as concerns about energy security and climate change have risen. In the UK changes in government structure and privatisation of the electricity industry have led to the emergence of multi-level governance. This means that decisions on how to reduce carbon dioxide emissions from the electricity-generating sector should no longer be solely a national policy decision. Previous studies have sought to explore how renewable energy may develop under multi-level governance, but this paper pays attention to a traditional fossil fuel source, coal, which is still an important means of electricity generation. Coal is the most abundant fossil fuel and advocates argue that carbon capture and storage techniques could make coal ,clean', paving the way for a long-term, secure and low emission way to produce energy. This study focuses on the Yorkshire and Humber Region, which has had a long association with coal mining and looks at the implications of this as the region seeks to develop a climate change action plan and an energy strategy within the new regional governance structures. The paper argues that the regional networks developed to address climate change are influenced by existing social power structures and alliances. The region as a territorial structure becomes a useful device in promoting national priorities. [source]