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Gaza Strip (gaza + strip)
Selected AbstractsThe Water Crisis in the Gaza Strip: Prospects for ResolutionGROUND WATER, Issue 5 2005E. Weinthal Israel and the Palestinian Authority share the southern Mediterranean coastal aquifer. Long-term overexploitation in the Gaza Strip has resulted in a decreasing water table, accompanied by the degradation of its water quality. Due to high levels of salinity and nitrate and boron pollution, most of the ground water is inadequate for both domestic and agricultural consumption. The rapid rate of population growth in the Gaza Strip and dependence upon ground water as a single water source present a serious challenge for future political stability and economic development. Here, we integrate the results of geochemical studies and numerical modeling to postulate different management scenarios for joint management between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. The chemical and isotopic data show that most of the salinity phenomena in the Gaza Strip are derived from the natural flow of saline ground water from Israel toward the Gaza Strip. As a result, the southern coastal aquifer does not resemble a classic "upstream-downstream" dispute because Israel's pumping of the saline ground water reduces the salinization rates of ground water in the Gaza Strip. Simulation of different pumping scenarios using a monolayer, hydrodynamic, two-dimensional model (MARTHE) confirms the hypothesis that increasing pumping along the Gaza Strip border combined with a moderate reduction of pumping within the Gaza Strip would improve ground water quality within the Gaza Strip. We find that pumping the saline ground water for a source of reverse-osmosis desalination and then supplying the desalinated water to the Gaza Strip should be an essential component of a future joint management strategy between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. [source] Protecting the Old in a Young Economy: Old Age Insurance in the West Bank and Gaza StripINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SECURITY REVIEW, Issue 3 2000Markus Loewe Taking the West Bank and Gaza Strip as a reference point, this paper looks at social protection in developing economies, which are beset by economic stagnation, widespread poverty and unemployment. If the main breadwinner dies, is unable to work or is an older person, these factors are prime causes of absolute poverty. This is hardly surprising, since private and public systems of social security are totally inadequate in this area in particular. Current thinking on social security suggests that what is needed is the rapid introduction of a comprehensive system of retirement provision, comprising a mandatory capital-funded insurance component, with defined contributions, administered on a decentralized basis; and a state-administered pay-as-you-go basic insurance component with lump-sum transfers to safeguard the poorest. A system of this kind works to prevent poverty in old age by redistributing funds from some individuals to others and ensuring an income for life, and it represents a compromise between a fair return on what people have contributed and a fair distribution over society as a whole. It is thus a major force for stability in society. [source] Another Nakba: Weapons Availability and the Transformation of the Palestinian National Struggle, 1987,2007INTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 2 2010Francesco Strazzari Violent clashes of June 2007 saw Hamas ousting Fatah from the Gaza Strip, thereby making patent the existence of a deep politico-military split within the Palestinian national movement. This article sheds light on the present face of the conflict in the Palestinian territories by adopting a historical-analytical perspective that emphasizes the role played by the availability of small arms and light weapons, as one of the many structural factors that underlie the transformation of the Palestinian struggle. Aware of the essentially contestable and reductionist nature of this endeavor, the authors examine the way in which the weapons acquisition process has changed in the time period from the beginning of the first Intifada in 1987 to the Gaza take-over by Hamas, 20 years later. In doing this, they extend the applicability of existing theories about the correspondence between access to weapons and the changing nature of insurgency, so to better understand a complex case where a national struggle has been spiralling into internecine violence and splintering, in what we may call "another Palestinian Nakba." [source] Psychological consequences of forced evacuation on children: Risk and protective factorsJOURNAL OF TRAUMATIC STRESS, Issue 4 2009Michelle Slone Children's psychological distress and symptoms after forced evacuation from the Gaza Strip in Israel were studied. Fifty families living in temporary residences 2 weeks postevacuation were assessed for general political and evacuation life events exposure as risk factors and family support and hardiness as protective factors. The hypothesis predicting a positive correlation between forced evacuation events and political life events and symptom levels was confirmed. Perceived family support served as a significant predictor of symptomatology, but not family hardiness, substantiating parents' role in aiding children's coping. [source] The Internal Israeli Conflict: The Past, Present, and Future of the Jewish West Bank and Gaza SettlementsNEGOTIATION JOURNAL, Issue 2 2005Robert Mnookin On October 14 and 15, 2004, just days before the Israeli government submitted to the Knesset a draft legislation to authorize the evacuation of Jewish settlers from Gaza Strip and some settlements on the West Bank, a two-day conference titled "Past, Present, and Future of the Jewish West Bank and Gaza Settlements: The Internal Israeli Conflict" was held at Harvard Law School. The conference was sponsored by the Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School, the Saltman Center for Conflict Resolution of the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, and the United States Institute of Peace. This interdisciplinary conference's six panels, whose proceedings are summarized in the series of articles that follow, explored the religious, ideological, psychological, political, legal, and international dimensions of the conflict. Presenters included former and current Israeli and American government officials, experts on resettlement policies and compensation mechanisms, and scholars from a variety of disciplines. While presentation topics covered a range of issues relating to the settlements, three broad themes arose from the conference. First, participants agreed that it is important, if not fundamental, to understand the perspectives of the national religious settlers who are the driving force behind the settlement movement. Exploring the settlers' diverse interests, fears, and identities is necessary in order to see why relocation is so threatening to them. The Israeli government can lessen opposition to withdrawal by showing the settlers empathy and reassurance, but only if government officials first achieve a true understanding of the settlers' concerns. Participants also argued that a reframing of the relocation in ideological terms could be another critical component of a solution to this problem. It may be necessary for the leaders of the settlement movement to develop a new narrative or modify the existing one in order to legitimize their relocation. Part of this narrative will involve the concept of "a greater good", the government must reassure the settlers that their sacrifice is for a higher cause. Several participants noted that Israel needs to show the settlers "tough love." When the relocations begin, many expect that there will be violence and that disturbing images will be broadcast throughout Israel and around the world. Internal disruption could put the government led by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and his Likud party coalition in jeopardy. The government must not waver in the face of this crisis, conference participants argued. In fact, the threat of violent and disruptive resistance by settlers and their allies can be part of the solution, not just the problem. The government and relocation supporters can use this extremism to justify decisive measures and to redefine the problem for the broader population to convince them that the stability of the country is at stake. Another major conclusion of conference participants was that, while the Israeli settlement issue has unique features, there is much to be learned from comparative analysis. Other countries have dealt with settlement situations, and their experiences offer invaluable lessons. In particular, participants contrasted Israel's settlements in Gaza and the West Bank with French settlements in Algeria and English settlements in Ireland. Some pointed to the French withdrawal from Algeria, which was politically painful but ultimately successful, as an example of "tough love" that Israel should follow. Finally, the involvement of third parties to help solve this conflict is indispensable. Participants noted that while much of Israel feels alienated from the European Union and the United Nations, the Israeli government is highly sensitive to the concerns of the United States, as evidenced by Sharon's decision to show the Gaza withdrawal plan to the U.S. government before he had even raised it with his cabinet and the Israeli parliament, the Knesset. International participation could help legitimize withdrawal and reduce Israeli responsibility for Gaza's future. Third parties can apply political pressure to encourage an accountable and responsible Palestinian leadership. They may also be called upon to provide some sort of financial aid. The participants acknowledged the complexity of the settlement problem and recognized that easy solutions do not exist. Yet, if the Israeli government works toward understanding the settlers' perspectives, learns from comparative analysis, and involves third parties appropriately, the likelihood of a successful outcome increases greatly. [source] Consanguinity and reproductive wastage in the Palestinian TerritoriesPAEDIATRIC & PERINATAL EPIDEMIOLOGY, Issue 2 2009Shireen Assaf Summary Many studies have found that consanguinity poses a threat to child mortality and health and can also pose a threat to offspring survival before birth. However, there are conflicting findings with some studies having found no increased risk on offspring survival associated with consanguinity. Data from a population-based survey conducted in 2004 in the Palestinian Territories was used to assess the risk of consanguinity on offspring survival. The analysis was conducted on 4418 women aged 15,49 who were asked whether or not they had experienced a stillbirth or a spontaneous abortion. These two outcomes were combined together for the analysis of reproductive wastage. Multivariable negative binomial regression was conducted to calculate the incidence risk ratios (IRR) for each region in the Palestinian Territories separately. The strongest risk factors for reproductive wastage, after controlling for other variables, were found to be consanguinity, age and parity with age presenting the highest IRRs. Standard of living, locality type, education level, women's employment and past intrauterine device use were not found to be significant risk factors for reproductive wastage. In the West Bank only first cousin level of consanguinity was found to be significant and ,hamola' level (or from same family clan) lost its significance after adjusting for other variables. In the Gaza Strip both the first cousin and ,hamola' levels of consanguinity were significant and presented almost equal IRRs of 1.3. In conclusion, consanguinity was found to be a significant risk factor for reproductive wastage. [source] Prospective community-based cluster census and case-control study of stillbirths and neonatal deaths in the West Bank and Gaza StripPAEDIATRIC & PERINATAL EPIDEMIOLOGY, Issue 4 2008Henry D. Kalter Summary Obstetric complications and newborn illnesses amenable to basic medical interventions underlie most perinatal deaths. Yet, despite good access to maternal and newborn care in many transitional countries, perinatal mortality is often not monitored in these settings. The present study identified risk factors for perinatal death and the level and causes of stillbirths and neonatal deaths in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Baseline and follow-up censuses with prospective monitoring of pregnant women and newborns from September 2001 to August 2002 were conducted in 83 randomly selected clusters of 300 households each. A total of 113 of 116 married women 15,49 years old with a stillbirth or neonatal death and 813 randomly selected women with a surviving neonate were interviewed, and obstetric and newborn care records of women with a stillbirth or neonatal death were abstracted. The perinatal and neonatal mortality rates, respectively, were 21.2 [95% confidence interval (CI) 16.5, 25.9] and 14.7 [95% CI 10.2, 19.2] per 1000 livebirths. The most common cause (27%) of 96 perinatal deaths was asphyxia alone (21) or with neonatal sepsis (5), while 18/49 (37%) early and 9/19 (47%) late neonatal deaths were from respiratory distress syndrome (12) or sepsis (9) alone or together (6). Constraint in care seeking, mainly by an Israeli checkpoint, occurred in 8% and 10%, respectively, of 112 pregnancies and labours and 31% of 16 neonates prior to perinatal or late neonatal death. Poor quality care for a complication associated with the death was identified among 40% and 20%, respectively, of 112 pregnancies and labour/deliveries and 43% of 68 neonates. (Correction added after online publication 5 June 2008: The denominators 112 pregnancies, labours, and labour/deliveries, and 16 and 68 neonates were included; and 9% of labours was corrected to 10%.) Risk factors for perinatal death as assessed by multivariable logistic regression included preterm delivery (odds ratio [OR] = 11.9, [95% CI 6.7, 21.2]), antepartum haemorrhage (OR = 5.6, [95% CI 1.5, 20.9]), any severe pregnancy complication (OR = 3.4, [95% CI 1.8, 6.6]), term delivery in a government hospital and having a labour and delivery complication (OR = 3.8, [95% CI 1.2, 12.0]), more than one delivery complication (OR = 4.4, [95% CI 1.8, 10.5]), mother's age >35 years (OR = 2.9, [95% CI 1.3, 6.8]) and primiparity in a full-term pregnancy (OR = 2.6, [1.1, 6.3]). Stillbirths are not officially reportable in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and this is the first time that perinatal mortality has been examined. Interventions to lower stillbirths and neonatal deaths should focus on improving the quality of medical care for important obstetric complications and newborn illnesses. Other transitional countries can draw lessons for their health care systems from these findings. [source] Front and Back Covers, Volume 26, Number 4.ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY, Issue 4 2010August 2010 Front cover caption, volume 26 issue 4 Front cover THE GAZA FREEDOM FLOTILLA Mohammed Rassas, a second-generation Palestinian, sports a T-shirt declaring his longing for the homeland he has never known. Mohammed's family was forced to leave Palestine long before he was born, with no opportunity for return. Instead, Mohammed has lived most of his life between Saudi Arabia and Greece, which became his second home. For three weeks Mohammed joined dozens of Greek, Arab and Western volunteers in preparing the Greek ship Eleftheri Mesogeios (,Free Mediterranean'), to carry 2000 tons of humanitarian aid, including prefabricated houses and hospital equipment, to Gaza. The ship formed part of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla, an international effort by volunteers from 36 countries that aimed to send eight ships to Gaza, carrying 700 passengers and 10,000 tonnes of humanitarian aid, in an attempt to prise open the strict embargo Israel has imposed on the Gaza strip since 2007. The Israeli army attacked the flotilla in international waters, killing eight Turkish nationals and one Turkish-American national, and injuring many more. Flotilla participants were placed behind bars. Intending to propagate their own version of events, the Israeli authorities confiscated audio-visual records made by witnesses. As an ethnographer invited to participate in the flotilla, Nikolas Kosmatopoulos was a witness to the events that took place. His notes are published in the form of a narrative in this issue of ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY. Israel has so far rejected the UN's call for an international independent inquiry. The Turkish government has threatened to cut all ties with Israel unless it apologizes or agrees to such an inquiry. Back cover CLIMATE CHANGE ,There is no planet B': an estimated 100,000 people demonstrate at the Copenhagen Climate talks, 12 December 2009. Since the débâcle of the UN Climate talks in Copenhagen last December, a broad new global coalition of resistance has begun to emerge. It includes the Climate Camp protesters who took direct action against the coal-fired Kingsnorth power station and the fourth runway at Heathrow, the tens of thousands of demonstrators who joined the Wave in London in December and the estimated 100,000 who marched at Copenhagen. They join others who have intimate experience of melting sea ice and Andean glaciers, flooding in Bangladesh and New Orleans and droughts in Africa. In April, in Cochabamba, Bolivia, a conference of 35,000 people, many of them indigenous Americans, began to organize to protect themselves and Mother Earth , Pachamama , to avert catastrophic climate change. This new social movement poses a personal and professional challenge to anthropologists to integrate climate issues and global politics into the discipline and into their lives. [source] | ||||||||||