Agenda Setting (agenda + setting)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Distribution within Humanities and Social Sciences


Selected Abstracts


Special Issue on Framing, Agenda Setting, & Priming: Agendas for Theory and Research

JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 1 2007
Guest Editors David Tewksbury
No abstract is available for this article. [source]


The Scary World in Your Living Room and Neighborhood: Using Local Broadcast News, Neighborhood Crime Rates, and Personal Experience to Test Agenda Setting and Cultivation

JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 3 2003
Kimberly Gross
This study tested 2 important theories in the history of mass communication research, agenda setting and cultivation, by comparing the effects of watching local television news with direct experience measures of crime on issue salience and fear of victimization. Direct experience was measured in 2 ways: (a) personal crime victimization or victimization of a close friend or family member, and (b) neighborhood crime rates. Using a random digit dial telephone survey of residents of the Washington, DC, metropolitan area, researchers found that local news exposure accounted for an agenda-setting effect but did not cultivate fear of being a victim of crime. By contrast, direct experience had no agenda-setting effect but did predict fear. [source]


Representation and Agenda Setting

POLICY STUDIES JOURNAL, Issue 1 2004
Bryan D. Jones
We develop a new approach to the study of representation based on agenda setting and attention allocation. We ask the fundamental question: do the policy priorities of the public and of the government correspond across time? To assess the policy priorities of the mass public, we have coded the Most Important Problem data from Gallup polls across the postwar period into the policy content categories developed by the Policy Agendas Project (Baumgartner & Jones, 2002). Congressional priorities were assessed by the proportion of total hearings in a given year focusing on those same policy categories, also from the Agendas Project. We then conducted similar analyses on public laws and most important laws, similarly coded. Finally we analyzed the spatial structure of public and congressional agendas using the Shepard-Kruskal non-metric multidimensional scaling algorithm. Findings may be summarized as follows: First, there is an impressive congruence between the priorities of the public and the priorities of Congress across time. Second, there is substantial evidence of congruence between the priorities of the public and lawmaking in the national government, but the correspondence is attenuated in comparison to agendas. Third, although the priorities of the public and Congress are structurally similar, the location of issues within the structure differs between Congress and the general public. The public "lumps" its evaluation of the nations most important problems into a small number of categories. Congress "splits" issues out, handling multiple issues simultaneously. Finally, the public tends to focus on a very constrained set of issues, but Congress juggles many more issues. The article has strong implications for the study of positional representation as well, because for traditional representation to occur, there must be correspondence between the issue-priorities of the public and the government. We find substantial evidence for such attention congruence here. [source]


Examining the Mediators of Agenda Setting: A New Experimental Paradigm Reveals the Role of Emotions

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2007
Joanne M. Miller
Over two decades ago, Maxwell McCombs (1981) called for serious investigation of the mediators and moderators of media effects. Without rich, theory-based understanding of why and when agenda setting happens, he said, we cannot truly appreciate the phenomenon or its implications. This manuscript reports the results of a new experimental paradigm to examine the cognitive mechanism(s) of agenda setting. Challenging the assumption that accessibility is responsible for shifts in importance judgments, the current research shows that the content of news stories is a primary determinant of agenda setting. Rather than solely relying on what is accessible in memory, people pay attention to the content of news stories,to the extent that the content arouses negative emotions, national importance judgments follow. [source]


The Separation of Powers and Supreme Court Agenda Setting

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2010
Ryan J. Owens
This study employs the first systematic, empirical analysis that relies on archival data to examine whether the separation of powers influences justices' agenda votes. It spatially models how justices set the Court's agenda under a sincere approach as well as an SOP approach and compares the competing expectations derived therefrom. The results suggest that legislative and executive preferences fail to influence justices' votes. Across every model tested, the data show justices uninfluenced by the separation of powers. These results provide a strong rejoinder to SOP models, since the Court's agenda stage is the most likely stage of the decision-making process to show signs of an SOP effect. [source]


Beijing Plus Ten: An Ambivalent Record on Gender Justice

DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 6 2005
Maxine Molyneux
The 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women (the ,Beijing Conference') was a landmark in policy terms, setting a global policy framework to advance gender equality. Ten years after Beijing, in March 2005, the UN's Commission on the Status of Women presided over an intergovernmental meeting in New York to review the progress achieved on the commitments made in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. This ,Plus 10' event was decidedly low key. Its aim was not agenda setting but agenda confirming; not policy formulation but policy affirmation. Whether it proves to be part of an ongoing worldwide movement in support of gender equality, or whether it marks the decline of that process, is a question that many in international women's movements are asking. This article, drawing on research undertaken for the UNRISD report, Gender Equality: Striving for Justice in an Unequal World, reflects on the ambivalent record of progress achieved by women over the last decades and considers how the policy environment has changed over the period since the high point of global women's movements. It examines how the changing international policy and political climate over this period has given rise to new issues and challenges for those active in global women's movements. [source]


The Power of the Last Word in Legislative Policy Making

ECONOMETRICA, Issue 5 2006
B. Douglas Bernheim
We examine legislative policy making in institutions with two empirically relevant features: agenda setting occurs in real time and the default policy evolves. We demonstrate that these institutions select Condorcet winners when they exist, provided a sufficient number of individuals have opportunities to make proposals. In policy spaces with either pork barrel or pure redistributional politics (where a Condorcet winner does not exist), the last proposer is effectively a dictator or near-dictator under relatively weak conditions. [source]


A multidimensional conceptual framework for analysing public involvement in health services research

HEALTH EXPECTATIONS, Issue 1 2008
Sandy R. Oliver BA PhD
Abstract Objective To describe the development of a multidimensional conceptual framework capable of drawing out the implications for policy and practice of what is known about public involvement in research agenda setting. Background Public involvement in research is growing in western and developing countries. There is a need to learn from collective experience and a diverse literature of research, policy documents and reflective reports. Methods Systematic searches of research literature, policy and lay networks identified reports of public involvement in research agenda setting. Framework analysis, previously described for primary research, was used to develop the framework, which was then applied to reports of public involvement in order to analyse and compare these. Findings The conceptual framework takes into account the people involved; the people initiating the involvement; the degree of public involvement; the forum for exchange; and methods used for decision making. It also considers context (in terms of the research focus and the historical, geographical or institutional setting), and theoretical basis. Conclusions The framework facilitates learning across diverse experiences, whether reported in policy documents, reflections or formal research, to generate a policy- and practice-relevant overview. A further advantage is that it identifies gaps in the literature which need to be filled in order to inform future research about public involvement. [source]


The Scary World in Your Living Room and Neighborhood: Using Local Broadcast News, Neighborhood Crime Rates, and Personal Experience to Test Agenda Setting and Cultivation

JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 3 2003
Kimberly Gross
This study tested 2 important theories in the history of mass communication research, agenda setting and cultivation, by comparing the effects of watching local television news with direct experience measures of crime on issue salience and fear of victimization. Direct experience was measured in 2 ways: (a) personal crime victimization or victimization of a close friend or family member, and (b) neighborhood crime rates. Using a random digit dial telephone survey of residents of the Washington, DC, metropolitan area, researchers found that local news exposure accounted for an agenda-setting effect but did not cultivate fear of being a victim of crime. By contrast, direct experience had no agenda-setting effect but did predict fear. [source]


Setting the agenda of attributes in the 1996 Spanish general election

JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 2 2000
M McCombes
We advance the central proposition of agenda-setting theory - that elements prominent in the mass media's picture of the world influence the salience of those elements in the audience's picture - through the explication of a second level of agenda setting: attribute agenda setting. This preliminary research on candidate images during the 1996 Spanish general election simultaneously examined 2 attribute dimensions - substantive and affective descriptions - to test the hypothesis that media attribute agendas influence the voters' attribute agenda. Empirically, a high degree of correspondence was found between the attribute agendas of 7 different mass media and the voters' attribute agenda for each of the 3 candidates. The median correlation from these 21 tests of the hypothesis is +.72. Sixth-order partial correlations in which the influence of the other 6 mass media are removed from the correlation between a medium's agenda and the voters' agenda for a particular candidate have a median value of +.73. Additional analyses of the attribute agendas of each medium's primary audience in comparison with its principal competitor also yielded evidence of second-level agenda setting. Future research should pursue complex longitudinal designs tracing the impact of media content on voters' images at both the aggregate and individual levels as part of the continuing scholarly dialogue on competing approaches to framing research and attribute agenda setting. [source]


Theories of Strategic Nonmarket Participation: Majority-Rule and Executive Institutions

JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS & MANAGEMENT STRATEGY, Issue 1 2001
David P. Baron
This paper presents theories of strategic nonmarket participation in majority-rule and executive institutions and develops from those theories a set of principles for nonmarket strategy. The theories are based on models of vote recruitment in client and interest-group politics and on models of common agency. The basic strategies developed are majority building, vote recruitment, agenda setting, rent-chain mobilization, majority protection, and competitive agenda setting and vote recruitment. [source]


Representation and Agenda Setting

POLICY STUDIES JOURNAL, Issue 1 2004
Bryan D. Jones
We develop a new approach to the study of representation based on agenda setting and attention allocation. We ask the fundamental question: do the policy priorities of the public and of the government correspond across time? To assess the policy priorities of the mass public, we have coded the Most Important Problem data from Gallup polls across the postwar period into the policy content categories developed by the Policy Agendas Project (Baumgartner & Jones, 2002). Congressional priorities were assessed by the proportion of total hearings in a given year focusing on those same policy categories, also from the Agendas Project. We then conducted similar analyses on public laws and most important laws, similarly coded. Finally we analyzed the spatial structure of public and congressional agendas using the Shepard-Kruskal non-metric multidimensional scaling algorithm. Findings may be summarized as follows: First, there is an impressive congruence between the priorities of the public and the priorities of Congress across time. Second, there is substantial evidence of congruence between the priorities of the public and lawmaking in the national government, but the correspondence is attenuated in comparison to agendas. Third, although the priorities of the public and Congress are structurally similar, the location of issues within the structure differs between Congress and the general public. The public "lumps" its evaluation of the nations most important problems into a small number of categories. Congress "splits" issues out, handling multiple issues simultaneously. Finally, the public tends to focus on a very constrained set of issues, but Congress juggles many more issues. The article has strong implications for the study of positional representation as well, because for traditional representation to occur, there must be correspondence between the issue-priorities of the public and the government. We find substantial evidence for such attention congruence here. [source]


Examining the Mediators of Agenda Setting: A New Experimental Paradigm Reveals the Role of Emotions

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2007
Joanne M. Miller
Over two decades ago, Maxwell McCombs (1981) called for serious investigation of the mediators and moderators of media effects. Without rich, theory-based understanding of why and when agenda setting happens, he said, we cannot truly appreciate the phenomenon or its implications. This manuscript reports the results of a new experimental paradigm to examine the cognitive mechanism(s) of agenda setting. Challenging the assumption that accessibility is responsible for shifts in importance judgments, the current research shows that the content of news stories is a primary determinant of agenda setting. Rather than solely relying on what is accessible in memory, people pay attention to the content of news stories,to the extent that the content arouses negative emotions, national importance judgments follow. [source]


Touching the Third Rail: Explaining the Failure of Bush's Social Security Initiative

POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 4 2007
Terry Weiner
Although President George W. Bush mentioned Social Security and the need to "modernize" the popular social insurance program in his first and reelection campaigns for the presidency, many were surprised that it featured as one of his most important goals just two days after the election. Given that most reporters and congressional leaders recognized the "risks" and were circumspect about his chances of success, this article examines Bush's decision to make Social Security "privatization" a major legislative initiative in his second term. Using the garbage can model of agenda setting as proposed by Kingdon, the study looks at why the president decided to move this issue, long known as the "third rail" of U.S. politics, to the top of his agenda. It also questions why,if he indeed had new political capital to spend,he spent it on Social Security and why the effort for reform was virtually dead just ten months later. [source]