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EU Level (eu + level)
Selected AbstractsWhy are Europeans so tough on migrants?ECONOMIC POLICY, Issue 44 2005Tito Boeri SUMMARY European migration International migration can significantly increase income per capita in Europe. We estimate that at the given wage and productivity gap between Western and Eastern Europe, migration of 3% of the Eastern population to the West could increase total EU GDP by up to 0.5%. Yet on 1 May 2004, 14 EU countries out of 15 adopted transitional arrangements vis-à-vis the new member states and national migration restrictions vis-à-vis third country nationals are getting stricter and stricter. In this paper we offer two explanations for this paradox and document their empirical relevance in the case of the EU enlargement. The first explanation is that immigration to rigid labour markets involves a number of negative externalities on the native population. The second explanation is that there are important cross-country spillovers in the effects of migration policies, inducing a race-to-the top in border restrictions with high costs in terms of foregone European output. In light of our results, we discuss, in the final section, the key features of a desirable migration policy to be coordinated at the EU level. ,Tito Boeri and Herbert Brücker [source] A European methodology for sustainable development strategy reviewsENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND GOVERNANCE, Issue 2 2010Joachim H. Spangenberg Abstract In 2005 the EU Environment Directorate initiated the production of a guidebook for peer reviews of national sustainable development strategies (NSDSs), which was published in 2006. Its objective is to support EU member states planning to evaluate their respective NSDS, supporting and stimulating all potential participants. It describes how to initiate, start, lead and conclude an evaluation process, and suggests, based on European experiences, a spectrum of methods available for this purpose. During a Commission-sponsored trial period, 2006/2007, the Netherlands was the only country to make use of this offer. However, the renewed EU Sustainable Development Strategy (EUSDS) calls for regular (peer) reviews of NSDS. Using this specific review instrument is recommended as part of a mutual learning exercise, which might stimulate a self-organized convergence of NSDSs, and better vertical integration, without establishing new competences and mechanisms on the EU level. Two new elements are suggested, a simple ,pressure,policy matrix' (PPM), supporting comprehensiveness control, and the possibility of patchwork evaluations, based on the systematique of the matrix. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source] Corruption and environmental policies: what are the implications for the enlarged EU?ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND GOVERNANCE, Issue 3 2006Lorenzo Pellegrini Abstract The paper discusses the prescription of EU environmental regulations for new member states. It has been argued that these countries should be allowed looser directives as a way to take into consideration their lower income levels and correspondingly different priorities. The paper estimates the determinants of environmental policies' stringency. We find that corruption levels are the most important factor in explaining the variance in environmental policies in the enlarged EU. Most notably, differences in corruption levels across countries appear to be more important than income differences. Thus, it is argued, lower environmental standards in new member states are not necessarily implied by lower income levels, but they are more likely to reflect low institutional quality. We argue that harmonization of environmental policies at the EU level can be a way to tackle this problem, and we provide a further rationale for new members states to adjust to existing EU environmental directives. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source] Deploying the Classic ,Community Method' in the Social Policy Field: The Example of the Acquired Rights DirectiveEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 2 2009Gavin Barrett The use of the Community method of legislation, in particular the deployment of directives, has for a long time been at the core of EC labour market policy. This article seeks to reflect on the lessons to be learned from the experience of the adoption and operation of one particularly significant directive, namely the Acquired Rights Directive, and on the experience of its transposition in one Member State, Ireland. Among features noted at the EU level are the watering down of the Commission's initial legislative ambitions; the substantial lacunae, failures to address issues and ambiguities incorporated in the text of the directive, the consequent enlarged role for the Court of Justice and the apparent difficulty in changing policy direction in the event of errors being made. As regards the Irish experience of transposing the directive, lessons learnt have included the importance of the means of implementation chosen by the Member State; the obstructive effect which national industrial relations systems may have on the evolution of a common European approach; the significance which attaches to national sanctions and enforcement mechanisms; the importance attaching to the degree of collective organisation in workplaces where the implementing legislation is sought to be relied upon; and the potential which the implementation of a directive has for disruption of the harmony of a national policy approach. Finally, the use of a form of social dialogue in the implementation of employment-related directives in Ireland is also commented upon. [source] Why the Open Method of Coordination Is Bad For You: A Letter to the EUEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 3 2007Vassilis Hatzopoulos Most writers explore the tentative outcomes of the method, since they lack a solid experimental background, against which to assess its actual effectiveness. Lately, however, some empirical studies have come to light. Among them, some fully discredit the OMC as a means of pursuing common policies at the EU level; while others recognise indirect effects, essentially at the national level of policy setting. On the basis of this assumption, i.e. that the OMC has only restricted direct effects in the short term and indirect effects in the medium to long term, the present article first puts forward a series of arguments against the current ,spread' of the OMC, and then offers some proposals on how to neutralise some of the identified shortfalls of the OMC. Despite the title of the article, the final conclusion is not for the demise of the OMC, but rather for its ,communautarisation'. It is put forward that both the application and the effects of the OMC should be more clearly defined and better integrated with the other pre-existing forms of cooperation, in accordance with basic requirements stemming from the Community legal order. [source] Still in Deficit: Rights, Regulation, and Democracy in the EU1EUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 6 2006Richard Bellamy Recently two groups of theorists have argued neither deficit need prove problematic. The first group adopts a rights-based view of democracy and claims that a European consensus on rights, as represented by the Charter of Fundamental European Rights, can offer the basis of citizen allegiance to EU wide democracy, thereby overcoming the demos deficit. The second group adopts a public-interest view of democracy and argues that so long as delegated authorities enact policies that are ,for' the people, then the absence of institutional forms that facilitate democracy ,by' the people are likewise unnecessary,indeed, in certain areas they may be positively harmful. This article argues that both views are normatively and empirically flawed. This is because there is no consensus on rights or the public interest apart from the majority view of a demos secured through parliamentary institutions. To the extent that these remain absent at the EU level, a democratic deficit continues to exist. [source] The Transposition of EU Law: ,Post-Decisional Politics' and Institutional AutonomyEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 4 2001Dionyssis G. Dimitrakopoulos The transposition of European Union (EU) law into national law is a significant part of the EU policy process. However, political scientists have not devoted to it the attention that it deserves. Here, transposition is construed as part of the wider process of policy implementation. Drawing on implementation theory from the field of public policy, the article outlines three sets of factors (institutional, political, and substantive) that affect transposition. Second, the article examines the manner in which eight member states transpose EU legislation, and identifies a European style of transposition. An institutionalist approach is employed to argue that this style is not the result of a process of convergence. Rather, it stems from the capacity of institutions to adapt to novel situations by means of their own standard operating procedures and institutional repertoires. It concludes by highlighting (a) the partial nature of efforts at EU level to improve transposition, themselves impaired by the politics of the policy process and (b) some ideas regarding future research. [source] Legal Basis and Scope of the Human Rights Clauses in EC Bilateral Agreements: Any Room for Positive Interpretation?EUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 1 2001Elena Fierro It is well known nowadays that the European Community includes a so-called human rights clause into the framework agreements that it concludes with third countries. It is also widely recognised that, in virtue of the relevant provisions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of the Treaties, such a clause grants the Community a right to suspend the agreement should human rights and/or democratic principles be breached. The question to be explored in the present paper is whether, in the light of its legal basis, the clause fulfils a mere ,negative' or ,sanctioning' function or, by contrast, there is room for the pursuit of positive measures of active promotion of human rights,that is the granting of technical and financial aid. It is argued here that the clauses present an ideal starting point for the pursuit of a comprehensive human rights policy at the EU level. Such a policy should encompass positive measures in the first place, systematic dialogue in the second, and suspension or negative measures of less extent only as ultima ratio in particularly grave cases which cannot be addressed through ordinary (dialogue and aid) routes. [source] Brussels between Bern and Berlin: Comparative Federalism Meets the European UnionGOVERNANCE, Issue 2 2003Tanja A. Börzel In the current debate on the future European order, the European Union (EU) is often described as an "emerging federation." This article claims that federalism is not exclusively useful in deliberating about the future of the EU. Non-statecentric conceptions of federalism provide a better understanding of the current structure and functioning of the European system of multilevel governance than most theories of European integration and international relations do. We combine political and economic perspectives of federalism to analyze the "balancing act" between effective political representation and efficient policy-making in the EU. Drawing on the examples of Germany and Switzerland in particular, we argue that the increasing delegation of powers to the central EU level needs to be paralleled by strengthened patterns of fiscal federalism and an empowered representation of functional interests at the European level. Without such "rebalancing," the current legitimacy problems of the EU are likely to intensify. [source] EU Social Policy after Lisbon,JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 3 2006MARY DALY This article focuses on the Lisbon strategy, the latest ,moment' in EU social policy. Following developments up to the end of 2005, it seeks to assess the significance of the poverty/social inclusion open method of co-ordination in terms of what it indicates about the EU's engagement with social policy. The article proceeds by interrogating a series of arguments for and against significance. It considers in turn different interpretations of: the functions and rationale of the EU policy process on poverty and social inclusion; the application and unfolding of the method of open co-ordination in this particular policy domain; and the politics underlying it. In elaborating the sui generis aspects of EU social policy especially as associated with Lisbon, the analysis discusses the possibility that social policy is developing its own dynamic at EU level. However, although significant elements can be identified, the relative fragility of poverty and social exclusion within the EU policy portfolio is highlighted. It is there but lacks firm foundation. [source] Governance ,to Go': Domestic Actors, Institutions and the Boundaries of the PossibleJCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2001Laura Cram How to ,bring Europe closer to the people' has long been a preoccupation of the policy-maker at the EU level and has recently been restated as a goal of the member governments in the Treaty of Nice. Currently, the Commission is addressing this issue through the White Paper on European Governance. Here, it is argued that the focus on ,governance' as a strategy for inclusion was ill founded and underestimated the likely conflict with existing ,governance' regimes at the domestic level. Moreover, the pursuit of ,heroic' Europeanism with a concomitant emergence of a sense of ,Europeanness' or a European ,identity' as advocated in the Commission's work programme for the White Paper on European Governance was misguided. Drawing on empirical research into the activities of women's organizations in Greece, Ireland and the UK, it is argued that the extent to which EU level action may [source] Economic development, institutional change, and the political economy of agricultural protection An econometric study of Belgium since the 19th centuryAGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, Issue 1 2001Johan F.M. Swinnen Abstract This empirical study uses 100 years of annual data on 11 agricultural commodities from Belgium to measure the impact of structural changes coinciding with economic development and changes in political institutions on agricultural protection. The analysis shows that changes in agricultural protection are caused by a combination of factors. Governments have increased protection and support to farmers when world market prices for their commodities fell, and vice versa, offsetting market effects on producer incomes. Other economic determinants were the share of the commodities in total consumer expenditures (negative effect) and in total output of the economy (positive effect). With Belgium a small economy, there was no impact of the trade position. Changes in political institutions have affected agricultural protection. Democratic reforms which induced a significant shift in the political balance towards agricultural interests, such as the introduction of the one-man-one-vote system, led to an increase in agricultural protection. The integration of Belgian agricultural policies in the Common Agricultural Policy in 1968 coincided with an increase in protection, ceteris paribus. Both institutional factors, related to changes in access to and information about the decision-making at the EU level, and structural changes in the agricultural and food economy may explain this effect. [source] Influence of dispersion length on leaching calculated with PEARL, PELMO and PRZM for FOCUS groundwater scenariosPEST MANAGEMENT SCIENCE (FORMERLY: PESTICIDE SCIENCE), Issue 10 2004Jos JTI Boesten Abstract Harmonisation of the assessment of pesticide leaching to groundwater for EU registration is desirable to minimise confusion in the decision-making process at EU level. Recently, the FOCUS groundwater scenarios have been developed for three chromatographic models (PEARL, PELMO and PRZM) to increase this harmonisation. This study investigates the role of dispersion parameterisation in explaining the cause of the differences in pesticide leaching calculated by these models. PEARL describes dispersion via a physical parameter, ie the dispersion length. PELMO and PRZM simulate dispersion via a numerical procedure which generates an effective dispersion length equal to 0.5 times the thickness of the numerical compartments. The hypothesis was tested that the difference in the dispersion length input parameter (ie 5 cm for PEARL and about 2.5 cm for PELMO and PRZM) is a major cause of the difference in calculated leaching. It was tested whether results of PEARL calculations with a dispersion length of 2.5 cm corresponded much better to results of PELMO or PRZM than results of PEARL calculations with a dispersion length of 5 cm. This was done by calculations for one substance and all nine FOCUS scenarios and by calculations for a range of substances and two FOCUS scenarios (Châteaudun and Sevilla). All calculations were for winter wheat and an application at 1 day before emergence. Both tests showed that reduction of the dispersion length from 5 to 2.5 cm in PEARL led to a much better correspondence between PEARL and either PELMO or PRZM. Hence the hypothesis was supported. It is likely that harmonisation of the dispersion length in the FOCUS groundwater scenarios would reduce the differences in calculated leaching between PEARL and PELMO or PRZM considerably for part of these scenarios. Published in 2004 for SCI by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Europäische Ansätze für Energieeffizienz-Monitoring auf der Basis von Energieausweis-DatenBAUPHYSIK, Issue 3 2009Tobias Loga Dipl.-Phys. Energieeinsparung; Gebäudebestand Abstract Das DATAMINE-Projekt wurde angesichts des Bedarfs nach konkreten Daten über den tatsächlichen energetischen Zustand des europäischen Gebäudebestands und die bestehenden Potentiale zur Energieeinsparung und CO2-Emissionsminderung ins Leben gerufen. Diese Daten sollen längerfristig helfen, das politische Instrumentenbündel (ordnungsrechtliche, steuerliche, Förder-Maßnahmen, Informationsvermittlung) so zu gestalten, dass es wirkungsvoll und kosteneffizient ist. Entsprechend dem DATAMINE-Konzept basieren die Informationen auf Energieausweisen, die gemäß EU-Gebäuderichtlinie ausgestellt werden, sobald ein Gebäude gebaut, verkauft oder vermietet wird. Im Rahmen des DATAMINE-Projekts wurden in zwölf Ländern Feldversuche mit größeren Gebäudedaten-Sammlungen durchgeführt, jeder mit unterschiedlichen Analysezielen. Dabei nutzte jedes Land die gleiche Datenstruktur für die Sammlung seiner Energieausweis-Daten, die im Vorfeld gemeinsam entwickelt worden war. Diese lässt sich auf die verschiedenen Zertifizierungssysteme anwenden, die die europäischen Länder auf Grund der Unterschiede in Informationsbedürfnissen, Gebäudearten und Klima entwickelt haben. Rund 19.000 Datensätze wurden im gemeinsamen DATAMINE-Format gesammelt. In einem Ländervergleich konnten verschiedene Energieeffizienz-Indikatoren gegenübergestellt werden. Das Ergebnis der Analysen ergibt einen genaueren Einblick in den aktuellen Stand der energetischen Modernisierung spezifischer Gebäudegruppen in den beteiligten Ländern. Schließlich wurden Schlussfolgerungen in Bezug auf die Entwicklung von Monitoringsystemen in jedem Land und auf EU-Ebene gezogen. European attempt at energy performance monitoring based on data collections and certification schemes. The launch of the DATAMINE project has been driven by the need for concrete data on the actual energy performance of the European building stock as well as the potential energy savings and CO2 reductions. In the longer term data can help develop tailored, cost-efficient complementary measures to energy performance legislation, such as soft loans and tax incentives. DATAMINE aims to construct a knowledge base using the information on the energy performance certificates issued when buildings are constructed, sold or rented. In the framework of DATAMINE test projects were carried out on large samples of buildings in 12 countries, each with individual monitoring targets. In each country the same data structure was used for data collection which had been developed at the forefront. Full allowance is made for the Europe-wide differences in certification schemes, since each country has a scheme tailored to its specific needs, building stock and climate. Around 19,000 datasets have been collected in the common DATAMINE format. Cross-country analysis of the collected data was performed comparing different energy performance indicators. The result of the evaluation activities gives a clearer insight into the current state of refurbishment of specific building subsets in each country. Finally conclusions were drawn regarding the development of monitoring systems in each country and on EU level. [source] EU energy-intensive industries and emission trading: losers becoming winners?ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND GOVERNANCE, Issue 5 2009Jorgen Wettestad Abstract The EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) initially treated power producers and energy-intensive industries similarly, despite clear structural differences between these industries regarding e.g. pass-through of costs. Hence, the energy-intensive industries could be seen as losing out in the internal distribution. In the January 2008 proposal for a reformed ETS post-2012, a differentiated system was proposed where the energy-intensive industries would come out relatively much better. Why is this? Although power producers still have a dominant position in the system, the increasing consensus about windfall profits has weakened their standing. Conversely, increasing attention to such profits and not least the possibility of global carbon leakage has strengthened the case of energy-intensive industries at both national and EU levels. These industries have become more active in EU processes and somewhat better organized. Finally, growing fear of lax global climate policies has strengthened the case of these industries further. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source] | |||||||||||||