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Drinking Age (drinking + age)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Medical Sciences100%

Kinds of Drinking Age

  • legal drinking age
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  • minimum legal drinking age
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    Selected Abstracts

    The age-21 minimum legal drinking age: a case study linking past and current debates

    ADDICTION, Issue 12 2009
    Traci L. Toomey
    ABSTRACT Background The minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) in the United States (U.S.) has raised debate over the past several decades. During the 1970s many states lowered their MLDAs from age 21 to 18, 19, or 20. However, as a result of studies showing that these lower MLDAs were associated with increases in traffic crashes, state-level movements began in the later1970s to return MLDAs to age 21. A new movement has arisen to again lower the MLDA in the U.S. Aim The aim is to discuss this current MLDA debate within the context of the long history of the U.S. MLDA. Methods A search of research articles, websites, and newspaper articles was conducted to identify key messages and influences related to the MLDA movements. Results The complexity of state movements to change their MLDAs is illustrated by the Michigan experience, where strong political forces on both sides of the issue were involved, resulting in the MLDA returning to 21. Because the 21st Constitutional amendment prevents the federal government from mandating a MLDA for all states, a federal policy was proposed to provide incentives for all states to implement age-21 MLDAs. Due largely to strong research evidence, the National Minimum Legal Drinking Age Act was enacted in 1984, stipulating that states set their MLDA to 21 or face loss of federal highway funds. By 1988, all states had an age-21 MLDA. Conclusion Any current debate about the MLDA should be informed by the historical context of this policy and the available research. [source]

    Cost-effectiveness of interventions to prevent alcohol-related disease and injury in Australia

    ADDICTION, Issue 10 2009
    Linda Cobiac
    ABSTRACT Aims To evaluate cost-effectiveness of eight interventions for reducing alcohol-attributable harm and determine the optimal intervention mix. Methods Interventions include volumetric taxation, advertising bans, an increase in minimum legal drinking age, licensing controls on operating hours, brief intervention (with and without general practitioner telemarketing and support), drink driving campaigns, random breath testing and residential treatment for alcohol dependence (with and without naltrexone). Cost-effectiveness is modelled over the life-time of the Australian population in 2003, with all costs and health outcomes evaluated from an Australian health sector perspective. Each intervention is compared with current practice, and the most cost-effective options are then combined to determine the optimal intervention mix. Measurements Cost-effectiveness is measured in 2003 Australian dollars per disability adjusted life year averted. Findings Although current alcohol intervention in Australia (random breath testing) is cost-effective, if the current spending of $71 million could be invested in a more cost-effective combination of interventions, more than 10 times the amount of health gain could be achieved. Taken as a package of interventions, all seven preventive interventions would be a cost-effective investment that could lead to substantial improvement in population health; only residential treatment is not cost-effective. Conclusions Based on current evidence, interventions to reduce harm from alcohol are highly recommended. The potential reduction in costs of treating alcohol-related diseases and injuries mean that substantial improvements in population health can be achieved at a relatively low cost to the health sector. [source]

    Underage alcohol use, delinquency, and criminal activity

    HEALTH ECONOMICS, Issue 12 2006
    Michael T. French
    Abstract Since 1988, the minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) has been 21 years for all 50 US states. The increasing prevalence of teenagers driving under the influence (DUI) of alcohol and the resulting traffic accidents were two main reasons for raising the MLDA to 21 years. Following the passage of this legislation, several published studies have found that the higher MLDA is associated with a significant reduction in both fatal and non-fatal accidents. While the relationship between MLDA and DUI events among young adults has been extensively studied, less information is available on other potential consequences of underage drinking. The present study uses data from the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC), a recent nationally representative survey, to investigate the effects of underage drinking on a variety of delinquency and criminal activity consequences. After controlling for the endogeneity of alcohol use where appropriate, we find strong evidence that various measures of alcohol consumption are related both to delinquency and to criminal activity. However, the findings are not uniform across gender as we find striking differences between males and females. These results have interesting policy and public health implications regarding underage drinking. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

    Implementation of NIAAA College Drinking Task Force Recommendations: How Are Colleges Doing 6 Years Later?

    ALCOHOLISM, Issue 10 2010
    Toben F. Nelson
    Background:, In 2002, the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) College Drinking Task Force issued recommendations to reduce heavy drinking by college students, but little is known about implementation of these recommendations. Current discussion about best strategies to reduce student drinking has focused more on lowering the minimum legal drinking age as advocated by a group of college and university presidents called the Amethyst Initiative than the NIAAA recommendations. Methods:, A nationally representative survey of administrators was conducted at 351 4-year colleges in the United States to ascertain familiarity with and progress toward implementation of NIAAA recommendations. Implementation was compared by enrollment size, public or private status, and whether the school president signed the Amethyst Initiative. Results:, Administrators at most colleges were familiar with NIAAA recommendations, although more than 1 in 5 (22%) were not. Nearly all colleges use educational programs to address student drinking (98%). Half the colleges (50%) offered intervention programs with documented efficacy for students at high risk for alcohol problems. Few colleges reported that empirically supported, community-based alcohol control strategies including conducting compliance checks to monitor illegal alcohol sales (33%), instituting mandatory responsible beverage service (RBS) training (15%), restricting alcohol outlet density (7%), or increasing the price of alcohol (2%) were operating in their community. Less than half the colleges with RBS training and compliance checks in their communities actively participated in these interventions. Large colleges were more likely to have RBS training and compliance checks, but no differences in implementation were found across public/private status or whether the college president signed the Amethyst Initiative. Conclusions:, Many colleges offer empirically supported programs for high-risk drinkers, but few have implemented other strategies recommended by NIAAA to address student drinking. Opportunities exist to reduce student drinking through implementation of existing, empirically based strategies. [source]

    Long-Term Effects of Minimum Drinking Age Laws on Past-Year Alcohol and Drug Use Disorders

    ALCOHOLISM, Issue 12 2009
    Karen E. Norberg
    Background:, Many studies have found that earlier drinking initiation predicts higher risk of later alcohol and substance use problems, but the causal relationship between age of initiation and later risk of substance use disorder remains unknown. Method:, We use a "natural experiment" study design to compare the 12-month prevalence of Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, Fourth Edition, alcohol and substance use disorders among adult subjects exposed to different minimum legal drinking age laws minimum legal drinking age in the 1970s and 1980s. The sample pools 33,869 respondents born in the United States 1948 to 1970, drawn from 2 nationally representative cross-sectional surveys: the 1991 National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiological Survey (NLAES) and the 2001 National Epidemiological Study of Alcohol and Related Conditions. Analyses control for state and birth year fixed effects, age at assessment, alcohol taxes, and other demographic and social background factors. Results:, Adults who had been legally allowed to purchase alcohol before age 21 were more likely to meet criteria for an alcohol use disorder [odds ratio (OR) 1.31, 95% confidence intervals (95% CI) 1.15 to 1.46, p < 0.0001] or another drug use disorder (OR 1.70, 95% CI 1.19 to 2.44, p = 0.003) within the past-year, even among subjects in their 40s and 50s. There were no significant differences in effect estimates by respondent gender, black or Hispanic ethnicity, age, birth cohort, or self-reported age of initiation of regular drinking; furthermore, the effect estimates were little changed by inclusion of age of initiation as a potential mediating variable in the multiple regression models. Conclusion:, Exposure to a lower minimum legal purchase age was associated with a significantly higher risk of a past-year alcohol or other substance use disorder, even among respondents in their 40s or 50s. However, this association does not seem to be explained by age of initiation of drinking, per se. Instead, it seems plausible that frequency or intensity of drinking in late adolescence may have long-term effects on adult substance use patterns. [source]