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Democratic Government (democratic + government)
Selected AbstractsPolitical parties, electoral systems and democracy: A cross-national analysisEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2005AMANDA L. HOFFMAN Models are used to explore whether the number of political parties increases a country's democracy score on the POLITY IV measure of democracy, and whether countries with proportional representation electoral systems have higher democracy scores than those without. Multiple regression analysis reveals that countries with proportional electoral systems have higher democracy scores. Countries involved in the Third Wave of democracy may find the choice of an electoral system among the most important issues in structuring a democratic government. [source] The "right distance" when dealing with violenceINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 174 2002Sandrine Lefranc The issue of the researcher's relationship with the subject of ,extreme violence' is approached here from the point of view not of subjective motivations, but of the scientific rule of distanc-ing which, in the absence of specific epistemo-logical recommendations, seems to apply in this case as in others. At times of ,exit' from violence, when a repressive authoritarian regime is replaced by a democratic government, the ,right Distance' of the researcher has particular consequences: it may coincide with the tenets of governmental ,reconciliation' policies, in particular the injunction to victims to weigh their demands against the need for pacification in the general interest. This convergence - which does not necessarily involve collusion - shows how difficult it is to find the right stance towards the subject of ,violence': epistemological rules cannot be dissociated from a particular political context and from a social relationship with violence, and may thus have normative implications. [source] Can a Global Peace Last Even If Achieved?INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Huntington, the Democratic Peace Current events have surfaced new challenges in the international state system. These are alternatively characterized as state versus substate conflicts, religious conflicts or the outgrowth of the rise in fundamentalism, class struggle between the West and the Third World resulting from globalization, and the lack of democratic government in those states that breed terrorists. Whereas religious conflict is difficult to fix if true and globalization hard to stop, the democratic peace offers promise because changing the form of government is a conceivable goal. But would it help? Samuel Huntington provides an interesting, if unintended, challenge to the democratic peace in both The Third Wave and The Clash of Civilizations. If democracy is reversible under some circumstances, can it really lead to a lasting peace? If there are cultural divisions in the world, are these necessarily united by polity? If racism is real, does polity really eliminate it? Based on Huntington, the democratic peace falters. [source] The Uneven Performance of Third Wave Democracies: Electoral Politics and the Imperfect Rule of Law in Latin AmericaLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 3 2002Joe Foweraker ABSTRACT This article investigates the performance of the new democracies of the third wave by developing a conceptual model of the core elements of liberal democratic government and by constructing a new Database of Liberal Democratic Performance. The performance is shown to be uneven in two main ways. First, the institutional attributes of democratic government advance while individual and minority rights languish. Second, particular institutional attributes coexist uncomfortably, as do particular rights. A comparison of Brazil, Colombia, and Guatemala complements the big picture drawn from the database and focuses on the specific contextual conditions that can create the general political contours of the wave. The uneven democratic performance of these cases is mainly explained by the combination of persistent oligarchic power and a largely unaccountable military. Yet uneven performance, and the imperfect rule of law in particular, does not necessarily prevent democratic survival. [source] Public Preferences for Program Tradeoffs: Community Values for Budget PrioritiesPUBLIC BUDGETING AND FINANCE, Issue 1 2004Glenn C. Blomquist A growing literature concerns techniques to improve community-based reforms and citizen-centered governance in order to reinforce the trust in democratic government. We analyze a contingent choice technique that systematically collects information about individual citizens' relative values of a set of state public programs. Individual citizens are asked to allocate a fixed increment of public funds. Individuals reveal their marginal willingness to trade off (MWTTO) additions in one program for additions in another. MWTTO values provide program rankings and information concerning the relative strength of citizen preferences. An example of a contingent choice survey is described. [source] Contributions of the Law to Political Deliberation.RATIO JURIS, Issue 4 2001Comments on Peter Fitzpatrick's "Consolations of the Law" In this paper the author discusses Peter Fitzpatrick's conception of deliberative politics (Fitzpatrick 2001), defining him as both a moderate optimist and a sceptic. For Fitzpatrick the deliberation is a process intrinsically incomplete; the law shows and compensates for the limits of deliberative politics and gives the political decision its legitimate form. Starting from Fitzpatrick's position, the author dwells, in particular, upon the relationship between law and deliberative decision making in politics showing that the essential question is how to handle deliberative discussion and not what the limits that law posits to deliberation are. Therefore he stresses that the success of deliberation depends not only on sound procedure, but, rather on political convictions, the belief in practical reason and a sense of community and proportionality (in other words, the spirit of democratic government and a critical public opinion) which play a decisive role in deliberative processes. [source] Does One Trust Judgement Fit All?BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2010Empirics, Linking Theory Few questions in political science have received more attention in recent times than the role of trust in democracy, democratic government and political participation. In Britain this has become a particular concern as levels of democratic engagement in traditional politics have declined, exacerbated by media reports of politicians' untrustworthy behaviour. A common feature of previous empirical work on political trust is that trust is treated as a single theoretical concept. Scholars have assumed that trust operates in a similar fashion across different political institutions,that citizens' trust mechanisms are the same for trusting parliament, the prime minister or the European Union. As a consequence, the operationalisation of trust has generally been through a single measure. In this article we draw on recent research from political theory, where different forms of judgements whether to trust,strategic, moral and deliberative,have been conceptualised, to argue that trust judgements may vary in application and significance depending upon the institution under examination. Using specially designed data sets generated from YouGov's weekly omnibus and the British Election Study's Continuous Monitoring Panel, we operationalise these three forms of trust judgements to examine trust in two British institutions,political parties and politicians. We find, as hypothesised, that different forms of trust judgements are of differing significance depending upon the institution under consideration. [source] Social protection in Chile: Reforms to improve equityINTERNATIONAL LABOUR REVIEW, Issue 4 2008Carmelo MESA-LAGO Abstract. At the beginning of the 1980s, Chile pioneered the implementation in Latin America of structural reforms that fully or partially privatized pensions, health-care and social assistance systems. Implemented without prior social dialogue, these reforms , which subsequently influenced similar reforms in other countries of the region and elsewhere , led to reduced social solidarity and equity and intensified poverty and inequality. Over the past 18 years, however, democratic governments have corrected many design faults in the original reforms. The author examines the progress achieved and areas of persistent social inequality in terms of coverage, gender balance and funding, and identifies future challenges. [source] Averting Forced Migration in Countries in TransitionINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 3 2002Susan Martin Many countries of emigration are in transition from conflict to peace and from authoritarian to democratic governments. Addressing population movements from these countries requires more than economic opportunities; equally important is the establishment of the rule of law, respect for human rights, and, in countries recovering from conflict, reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure and housing. Otherwise, fragile peace and democratization processes can easily break down, creating new waves of forced migrants and hampering efforts towards repatriation and reintegration of already displaced populations. This background paper discusses the nature of forced migration, pointing out that the end of the Cold War has produced new pressures and new opportunities to address these flows. While extremism, particularly rampant nationalism, has provoked massive forced migration in many parts of the world, the changing geopolitical relations has also led to peace settlements in some countries and humanitarian intervention to reduce suffering in others. Addressing forced migration pressures in countries in transition requires comprehensive policy approaches. Four types of best practices are considered in this paper. First, mechanisms to ameliorate the causes of forced movements, including the role that expatriate communities can play in strengthening the rule of law and respect for human rights, particularly minority rights. Second, mechanisms that enhance refugee protection while minimizing abuses of asylum systems, including enhanced respect for the refugee convention, adoption of complementary forms of protection when the refugee convention does not apply, strengthened regional protection, and the establishment of in,country processing of refugee claims. Third, mechanisms to resolve the longer,term status of forced migrants, including decisions on when to cease refugee status and temporary protection and encourage/permit return or integration. Fourth, mechanisms for more effective repatriation when return is possible, particularly programs to help returnees reintegrate and communities reconstruct themselves. [source] Labor Reform and Dual Transitions in Brazil and the Southern ConeLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 1 2002Marķa Lorena Cook ABSTRACT The sequencing of transitions to democracy and to a market economy shaped the outcome of labor law reform and prospects for expanded labor rights in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. Argentina and Brazil experienced democratic transitions before market economic reforms were consolidated in the 1990s. During the transition, unions obtained prolabor reforms and secured rights that were enshrined in labor law. In posttransition democratic governments, market reforms coincided with efforts to reverse earlier labor protections. Unable to block many harmful reforms, organized labor in Argentina and Brazil did conserve core interests linked to organizational survival and hence to future bargaining leverage. In Chile this sequence was reversed. Market economic policies and labor reform were consolidated under military dictatorship. During democratic transition, employers successfully resisted reforms that would expand labor rights. This produced a limited scope of organizational resources for Chilean unions and reduced prospects for future improvements. [source] Where Is the Future in Public Health?THE MILBANK QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2010HILARY GRAHAM Context: Today's societies have far-reaching impacts on future conditions for health. Against this backdrop, this article explores how the future is represented in contemporary public health, examining both its conceptual base and influential approaches through which evidence is generated for policy. Methods: Mission statements and official reviews provide insight into how the future is represented in public health's conceptual and ethical foundations. For its research practices, the article takes examples from epidemiological, intervention, and economic research, selecting risk-factor epidemiology, randomized controlled trials, and economic evaluation as exemplars. Findings: Concepts and ethics suggest that public health research and policy will be concerned with protecting both today's and tomorrow's populations from conditions that threaten their health. But rather than facilitating sustained engagement with future conditions and future health, exemplary approaches to gathering evidence focus on today's population. Thus, risk-factor epidemiology pinpoints risks in temporal proximity to the individual; controlled trials track short-term effects of interventions on the participants' health; and economic evaluations weigh policies according to their value to the current population. While their orientation to the present and near future aligns well with the compressed timescales for policy delivery on which democratic governments tend to work, it makes it difficult for the public health community to direct attention to conditions for future health. Conclusions: This article points to the need for research perspectives and practices that, consistent with public health's conceptual and ethical foundations, represent the interests of both tomorrow's and today's populations. [source] Social democracy and globalisation: the limits of social democracy in historical perspectiveBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 3 2002John Callaghan This article argues that social democratic governments throughout the 20th century faced internal and international constraints arising from the operation of capitalist economies and that the evidence for a qualitative deepening of such constraints since the collapse of the Bretton Woods system is far from unequivocal. Financial markets were already big enough and fast enough to deter such governments from the pursuit of egalitarian policies in the interwar years or to destabilise them if they ignored the warning signs. This article also shows that the efficacy of Keynesian macroeconomic policy in the Golden Age has been exaggerated and that the problem of short,term movements of speculative capital persisted throughout this era in a country such as Britain. Keynesianism never worked in the face of mass unemployment and it is misleading to suggest that its breakdown in the 1970s somehow robbed social democracy of the policy tools that had maintained full employment in the 1950s and 1960s. A host of additional problems have indeed beset social democratic governments since 1973, but the analysis of such problems is hindered rather than helped by much of the literature which invokes economic globalisation. Globalisation theory is in need of further specification before it can be useful and arguments about the economic consequences of globalisation since 1973 need to distinguish its effects from those of the many conjunctural problems of the period as well as the policies that important agencies have pursued in search of solutions to them. [source] Capitalist models and social democracy: the case of New LabourBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 3 2001David Coates Some of the more critical readings of the adequacy and effectiveness of New Labour in power have been developed by scholars willing to link arguments about the trajectory of Labour politics to wider arguments about the character of the contemporary global economy and the space within it for the construction and development of distinctive capitalist models. Mark Wickham-Jones and Colin Hay in particular have made that linkage in a series of important writings on the contemporary Labour party. Their arguments are here subjected to critical review, and set against a third position on New Labour and global capitalism: one informed by the writings of Ralph Miliband on British Labour and by the arguments of Leo Panitch and Greg Albo on the limits of the ,progressive competitiveness' strategies associated with ,Third Way' social democratic governments. [source] | |||||||||||||