Civil War (civil + war)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Distribution within Humanities and Social Sciences

Kinds of Civil War

  • american civil war
  • english civil war
  • spanish civil war


  • Selected Abstracts


    Growing Up in Guerrilla Camp: The long-Term Impact of Being a Child Soldier in El Salvador's Civil War

    ETHOS, Issue 4 2002
    Julia Dickson-Gmez
    Many recent wars are characterized by high levels of civilian casualties, a large proportion of whom are women and children. Furthermore, an estimated 300,000 children are actively participating in 36 ongoing or recently ended conflicts around the world. However, there is a dearth of research on the long-term effects of war trauma experienced in childhood or children's active participation in armed conflicts. This article explores the long-term effects of children's active participation in the war in El Salvador by examining four young adults who fought with the guerrilla army as children and adolescents. Comparing these four cases with members of the community who joined and fought with the guerrilla as adults, it will be argued that traumatic experiences were even more devastating when they occurred in early childhood as they destroyed the ability to establish basic trust in competent and nurturing caretakers. Becoming a soldier created additional conflicts as these adolescent soldiers behaved in ways they felt were morally incorrect. Adolescent soldiers were also not given the opportunity to develop autonomy and learn adult peace-time roles. Both the psychological trauma suffered as children as well as continued economic scarcity and violence contribute to these campesinos' difficulties in creating meaningful lives as adults. [source]


    Narratives as Cultural Tools in Sociocultural Analysis: Official History in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia

    ETHOS, Issue 4 2000
    Professor James V. Wertsch
    An approach to sociocultural analysis based on the ideas of Vygotsky, Bakhtin, and others is used to provide the foundation for discussing narratives as "cultural tools." The production of official, state sponsored historical narratives is examined from this perspective, and it is argued that this production process may be shaped as much by dialogic encounters with other narratives as by archival information. These claims are harnessed to examine the production of post-Soviet Russian history textbooks, especially their presentation of the events surrounding the Russian Civil War of 1918,20. [source]


    Berthold Auerbach's Deutscher Volks-Kalender: Editing as Political Agenda

    GERMAN LIFE AND LETTERS, Issue 1 2002
    Kristina R. Sazaki
    An analysis of Berthold Auerbach's Deutscher Volks-Kalender (1858,69) reveals how Auerbach attempted to participate in and to shape the discourse on national identity. One of the most popular writers of his day, he used his position as editor to carry out a political agenda that advocated German unification. He attempted to unify the diverse strata of society by providing specific ideas and values , above all on German unification and emigration , that would be understood and accepted by the practical as well as the literary reader. Many stories and essays called directly or indirectly for a united Germany. Others dealt with the hot topic of America during the Civil War as a means to encourage Germans to remain in Germany. Auerbach routinely engaged like-minded contributors from the fields of politics, science, sociology, and the arts to create a multidisciplinary forum on nationhood. By employing images of family, friendship, and the organic and also by conjuring up a common literary tradition in Friedrich Schiller, Auerbach projected his concept of nation onto a popular form of mass culture , the calendar. [source]


    Protestation, Vow, Covenant and Engagement: swearing allegiance in the English Civil War

    HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 190 2002
    Edward Vallance
    This article discusses four political tests imposed between 1641 and 1649. Using printed pamphlets and manuscript oath rolls, the article explores both the guidelines established by casuists and pamphleteers for swearing lawfully, and the responses of individual subscribers when confronted with conflicting demands for their political allegiance. In this way, the article demonstrates the importance of subscription returns as a source for political historians, as well as genealogists and demographic researchers. The article concludes that individuals often chose to equivocate or to refuse oaths, not because they found them politically unacceptable, but because they were afraid of forswearing themselves. [source]


    Edmund Gibson's Editions of Britannia: Dynastic Chorography and the Particularist Politics of Precedent, 1695,1722

    HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 182 2000
    Robert Mayhew
    Geographical writing has been linked with political discourse as ,advice literature' since the time of Strabo. In the early modern period, geography and related forms of spatial enquiry preserved this role. This article examines the political positioning of William Camden's massively influential chorographical work, Britannia, as updated by a team of scholars led by Edmund Gibson in 1695 and 1722. The 1695 edition is shown to have espoused loyalty to the Anglican church and the Williamite succession through its depiction of Camden and its treatment of the events of the Civil War. This political positioning is shown to have provoked criticism from Francis Atterbury as a minor theme in the convocation controversy. Finally, the second, 1722 edition of Britannia is shown to have shifted to a more blatant Hanoverian loyalism as Gibson and his colleagues grew more fearful of the Jacobites. [source]


    The Politics of the Irish Civil War By Bill Kissane

    HISTORY, Issue 304 2006
    MICHAEL HOPKINSON
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]


    The Politics of Sir Thomas Fairfax Reassessed

    HISTORY, Issue 300 2005
    LUKE DAXON
    Sir Thomas Fairfax (1612,71) was one of the most distinguished parliamentarian soldiers of the Great Civil War. He assumed command of the New Model Army at its inception in 1645 and was at its head during the succeeding five years when it was transformed from a victorious military force into an engine of political revolution. An inarticulate and in some respects a staid and conservative figure, Fairfax has often been depicted as an impotent opponent of the army's radicalization or as a political innocent manipulated by his subordinates, principally Oliver Cromwell and Henry Ireton, for their own ends. This article seeks to challenge these conceptions. It examines the political connotations of his conduct during the war and his readiness to stand by his men throughout their conflict with the parliamentary Presbyterians after it. It further probes his response to the upheavals of 1648,9 and his attitude to the new republican regime. Whatever his reticence, Fairfax's actions do not resemble those of an apolitical neutral and a balanced assessment of his sympathies has the virtue of explaining much about how the army was able to retain a remarkable unity of purpose, albeit sometimes tenuous, as it stepped onto the political stage. [source]


    ,Memories of the Maimed': The Testimony of Charles I's Former Soldiers, 1660,1730

    HISTORY, Issue 290 2003
    Mark Stoyle
    Historians have paid little attention to the experiences and attitudes of the ordinary men who enlisted in the royalist armies during the English Civil War: chiefly because such individuals , most of them poor and unlettered , left no formal memoirs of their wartime service behind them. The present article suggests that the petitions for financial relief which were submitted by wounded and impoverished Cavalier veterans after the Restoration can help to bridge this evidential gap and to illuminate the mental world of the king's more humble supporters. By putting the language of the ,maimed soldiers' petitions' under the microscope, it shows how the artisans, husbandmen and labourers who had fought for Charles I viewed the conflict in retrospect. The article begins by considering the strengths and limitations of the petitions themselves and the purposes for which they were initially composed. It then goes on to discuss what these documents reveal: not only about the physical suffering which the king's soldiers had undergone in the field, but also about their views of their comrades, their commanders and their enemies. The article concludes by arguing that the personal and political links which had been forged amid the fiery trials of the Civil War continued to bind together former royalists, of all ranks, for decades after the conflict came to an end. [source]


    Sovereignty, Supremacy and the Origins of the English Civil War

    HISTORY, Issue 288 2002
    D. Alan Orr
    This article integrates the concept of sovereignty with religious perceptions of misrule in the years leading up to the English Civil War. Existing revisionist narratives have emphasized the consensual nature of early Stuart political culture, especially the central role of the ,common law mind' in determining the proper place of potentially rival political vocabularies of natural law, civil law and absolutism. This article argues alternatively that the concept of sovereignty and in particular the contested relationship of sovereignty to ecclesiastical governance stood at the centre of the emerging conflict. The primary mode of ,opposition' to the policies of Charles I's personal rule (1629,40) was erastian: it presumed that control over the doctrine and discipline of the established church was for all intents and purposes a mark or right of sovereignty in the same manner as power of war and peace, power of appointing magistrates, or coinage. Seen in this light the ecclesiastical innovations of the personal rule constituted a treasonable attempt on the part of the Laudian episcopate to erect an ecclesiastical state within a state. The English Civil War was a war of religion in the sense that a significant number of those who waged it operated under the assumption that religion was the rightful provenance of the civil magistracy of king in parliament. [source]


    Richard Baxter, ,Popery' and the Origins of the English Civil War

    HISTORY, Issue 287 2002
    William Lamont
    Richard Baxter (1615,91) was a puritan who reflected over a lifetime why he, and his fellow puritans, had opted for parliament in the Civil War. He made in 1681 an important distinction between fundamentum (the causes of the Civil War), which he discussed in his memoirs, and finis (the reasons why he had fought), which he explained in chapter 13 of his A Holy Commonwealth. The explanations are different, because fundamentum and finis are not the same. The Irish Catholic rebellion of October 1641 gave him his finis. This article shows that the belief (shared with many fellow puritans), that Charles I had secretly commissioned the Earl of Antrim and other Irish Catholics in their rebellion, was the justification, on Protestant imperial lines, for puritans to take up their arms against the king in 1642 , and for the same reasons again in 1688. [source]


    Narrative Trauma and Civil War History Painting, or Why Are These Pictures So Terrible?

    HISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 4 2002
    Steven Conn
    The Civil War generated hundreds of history paintings. Yet, as this essay argues, painters failed to create any iconic, lasting images of the Civil War using the conventions of grand manner history painting, despite the expectations of many that they would and should. This essay first examines the terms by which I am evaluating this failure, then moves on to a consideration of the American history painting tradition. I next examine several history paintings of Civil War scenes in light of this tradition and argue that their "failure" to capture the meaning and essence of the war resulted from a breakdown of the narrative conventions of history painting. Finally, I glance briefly at Winslow Homer's Civil War scenes, arguably the only ones which have become canonical, and suggest that the success of these images comes from their abandonment of old conventions and the invention of new ones. [source]


    Radicalism in Civil War and Interregnum England

    HISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 2 2010
    Philip Baker
    In recent decades, the subject of civil war and interregnum radicalism has provoked a vexed and tendentious scholarship within early modern English history. This article charts the subject's historiographical fortunes since the 1970s and addresses a series of crucial interpretive and definitional issues. In addition to providing an overview of the existing field, the article also suggests a new approach to mid-17th-century radicalism that encompasses a much broader spectrum of individuals, groups and ideas than those found in both Marxist and revisionist accounts. Drawing on this approach and the recent insights of other scholars, this article identifies a number of possible avenues for future research and suggests how the subject might be developed in original ways. [source]


    Teaching & Learning Guide for: The Origins of the Civil War

    HISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 4 2007
    Nicole Etcheson
    Author's Introduction The author argues that slavery is the root cause of the Civil War even though historians have often posited other explanations. Some other interpretations have been ideological (i.e., about the morality of slavery), others have been economic, political, or cultural. Focus Questions 1If you were to make an argument for the causes of the Civil War, what evidence or types of evidence would you want to examine? 2In what ways can the different types of arguments (ideological, economic, political, and cultural), be combined to explain the causes of the Civil War? Do such arguments exclude or reinforce each other? In what ways? Author Recommends * E. L. Ayres, In the Presence of Mine Enemies: War in the Heart of America, 1859,1863 (New York, NY: Norton, 2003). A study of two counties, one north and one south, during the end of the sectional crisis and the early Civil War. While Potter, Walther, and Wilentz offer sweeping, often political, histories, Ayres offers a microhistory approach to the sectional conflict. Although Ayres writes within the tradition of seeing cultural differences between North and South, he concludes that slavery was the issue that drove the two sections apart. * M. A. Morrison, Slavery and the American West: The Eclipse of Manifest Destiny and the Coming of the Civil War (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1997). Views the development of the sectional crisis through the lens of Manifest Destiny. Territorial expansion drove hostility between the sections. Morrison concentrates on the political developments of the period connected to the acquisition and organization of the territories to show how the issue of slavery in the territories polarized the sections. * D. M. Potter, The Impending Crisis, 1848,1861 (New York, NY: Harper & Row, 1976). The most comprehensive survey of the decade before the war. Potter traces the development of slavery as a political issue that North and South could not resolve. While it is a masterly and nuanced treatment of the political history, it does not incorporate social history and is more detailed than is useful for most undergraduates. E. H. Walther, The Shattering of the Union: America in the 1850s (Wilmington, Scholarly Resources, 2004) has recently supplanted Potter as a survey of the decade. It is an easier read for undergraduates and incorporates the new literature than has emerged since Potter wrote. * S. Wilentz, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (New York, NY: Norton, 2005). A sweeping history of the United States from the constitutional era to the outbreak of the Civil War. Wilentz attempts to update Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr.'s synthesis The Age of Jackson by returning to a focus on the evolution of democracy while at the same time incorporating the social history that emerged after Schlesinger wrote. Only the last third of this very long book covers the 1850s, but Wilentz argues that democracy had taken differing sectional forms by that period: a free-labor version in the North and a plantation version in the South. Online Materials 1. The Valley of the Shadow: Two Communities in the American Civil War (http://valley.vcdh.virginia.edu/) A prize-winning website that profiles Augusta County, Virginia and Franklin County, Pennsylvania. Material from this website formed the basis of Ayres, In the Presence of Mine Enemies. Although the website primarily concentrates on the Civil War itself, it provides access to newspapers and letters and diaries from the 1850s that show the development of, and reaction to, the sectional crisis in those counties. It also shows students the types of materials (census, tax, and church records as well as newspapers and letters and diaries) with which historians work to build an argument. 2. American Memory from the Library of Congress (http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/index.html) Although not specifically devoted to the origins of the Civil War, the American Memory site provides access to the collections of the Library of Congress which contain massive amounts of primary materials for students and scholars. From the website, one can gain access to congressional documents, periodicals from the 1850s, nineteenth-century books, music, legal documents, memoirs by white and black southerners as well as slave narratives. Sample Syllabus Nicole Etcheson's ,Origins of the Civil War,' History Compass, 3/1 (2005), doi:10.1111/j.1478-0542.2005.00166.x can be used as a reading in any Civil War course. [source]


    Immigrant Communities and Civil War*

    INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 1 2009
    David D. Laitin
    This paper explains why international migrants, who face numerous security and cultural threats in their host societies, are almost never implicated in civil war violence. This is quite different from situations of internal migration, which often set off violence that escalates to civil war proportions. The paper first lays out the stark contrast between the political implications of external and internal migration based on data adapted from the Minorities at Risk (MAR) dataset. It then explores the reasons for the low incidence of civil war violence for international migrants through an examination of three cases: Bahrain, which has a large expatriate community without political rights that has been politically quiescent; Estonia, where some 30 percent of the population are disaffected Russian-speakers linked to post-World War II migrations from other republics of the Soviet Union; and Pakistan, where the immigrant Muhajirs are a partial exception to the general pattern outlined in this paper. It concludes with a general statement of the relationship between immigration and rebellion, where the level of grievances is less consequential than the conditions that make insurgency pay off. [source]


    ABC's, 123's, and the Golden Rule: The Pacifying Effect of Education on Civil War, 1980,1999

    INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2006
    CLAYTON L. THYNE
    This study examines two ways by which education might affect the probability of civil war onset. First, educational investment provides a strong signal to the people that the government is attempting to improve their lives, which is apt to lower grievances, even in desperate times. Second, education can generate economic, political, and social stability by giving people tools with which they can resolve disputes peacefully, making them less likely to incur the risks involved in joining a rebellion. This theory is tested by examining the effect of educational expenditures, enrollment levels, and literacy rates on the probability of civil war onset from 1980 through 1999. The results provide evidence for both the grievance and stability arguments, providing strong support for the pacifying effects of education on civil war. [source]


    From Global to Local: Uncovering the Structural Causes of Civil War

    INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 4 2009
    Andrew J. Enterline
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]


    Did Futures Markets Stabilise US Grain Prices?

    JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, Issue 1 2002
    Joseph Santos
    Though economists are divided over whether, in practice, futures markets reduce spot price volatility, observers of nascent nineteenth century US futures markets essentially praised the stabilising effects of this financial innovation. Indeed, such praise is understandable, particularly if, as the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) and others assert, "violent" spot price fluctuations were common prior to, but not after, the 1870s; the same decade that grain trade historians typically associate with the birth of the modern futures contract. And whereas these events may be unrelated, the claim is intriguing because it requires that nineteenth century futures prices fulfil their price discovery function, a property that many modern futures markets do not possess. This paper explores what role, if any, the advent of futures trading may have had on spot price volatility. I corroborate the CBOT's assertion regarding diminished spot price volatility around the 1870s and show that early futures prices did indeed fulfil their price discovery function. Moreover, I address two alternative hypotheses that relate the decline in spot price volatility to the Civil War. Ultimately, I maintain that the evolution of futures markets is the principal proximate reason why commodity spot price volatility diminished. [source]


    From Drafts to Checks: The Evolution of Correspondent Banking Networks and the Formation of the Modern U.S. Payments System, 1850,1914

    JOURNAL OF MONEY, CREDIT AND BANKING, Issue 2-3 2010
    JOHN A. JAMES
    drafts; checks; correspondent banking; bankers' balances; interregional payments network; domestic exchange Checks remained local payments instruments throughout virtually the entire nineteenth century. Their significant use in interregional transactions dates only to the 1890s. We explain their lagged spatial diffusion by the evolution of centralized payments institutions to coordinate transactions among myriad banks, not real technological changes to "annihilate" distance. The pivotal institutions were large correspondent banks, especially in New York. After the Civil War, New York funds constituted a national settlement medium, and the concentration of bankers' balances in New York yielded liquidity and other externalities smoothing the flow of check payments. [source]


    A Raman spectroscopic and combined analytical approach to the restoration of severely damaged frescoes: the Palomino project

    JOURNAL OF RAMAN SPECTROSCOPY, Issue 4 2008
    Howell G. M. Edwards
    Abstract The deterioration of art objects is normally relatively minor, controllable and attributable to environmental changes or bacterial invasion, and until now there has not been any recorded attempt to analyse an artwork that has been deliberately and significantly destroyed. The analytical problems are correspondingly larger but the potential reward from any information that can be forthcoming is thereby proportionately greater. The 17th Century Palomino frescoes on the vaulted ceiling of the Church of Sant Joan del Mercat in Valencia were largely destroyed by insurgents in the Spanish Civil War in 1936. The ensuing gunfire and a series of seven conflagrations inside the church had a devastating effect upon the artwork, and the surviving areas were also rendered unstable with respect to their detachment from the substrate. During the current restoration project being undertaken on these frescoes, an opportunity was provided for the application of several analytical techniques to secure information about the original pigment palette employed, the technology of application used by Palomino and the changes consequent upon the destruction process. Here, we report for the first time the use of analytical Raman spectroscopy, supported by scanning electron microscopy (SEM) and voltammetry of microparticles, for the combined identification of pigments, binders, substrate treatments and pigment alteration in an important, although badly damaged, wall painting for the informing of the ongoing conservation and restoration strategy. Copyright 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]


    Denominational Difference in Quaker Relief Work During the Spanish Civil War: The Operation of Corporate Concern and Liberal Theologies

    JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 2 2000
    Farah MendlesohnArticle first published online: 19 DEC 200
    The denominational differences between American and British relief workers in the Spanish Civil War are not immediately obvious, and cannot be identified by simple reference to the ideologies of the societies with which they claimed allegiance. This is both because orthodox American Quakerism and the theology of the London Yearly Meeting were very similar in the first half of the twentieth century, and because, when we attempt to compare the two groups, we are not comparing like with like. Those who worked for the (British) Friends Service Council (FSC) , and they came from a number of countries , were representing the witness of the London Society of Friends. Those who worked for the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) were representing only the theology of that committee. In the 1920s the denominational identities of the American Quakers were beginning to settle into patterns which we recognize in the twentieth century. As part of this settlement American Quakers tentatively agreed to cooperate in matters of relief, a cooperation which produced the AFSC. However, in order to walk the precarious tightrope of interdenominational tension, the AFSC was forced to develop its own independent identity and its own distinctive character. While the AFSC is not a denomination in the usual sense of the word, it is possible to see it as possessing its own culture and theologies. It has a cohesiveness that allows us to compare practice and belief with that of the FSC where it is not possible to make a comparison between American and British workers in this context , in part, because very few of the "British" in Spain were actually British , nor to compare the British and American Societies. This paper will attempt, through focusing on the place of the Peace Testimony in the relief work in which the two sets of Friends were engaged, to indicate the differences of theology and practice displayed by the two "denominations." However, this paper should be recognized as part of a larger and longer work engaged in considering the role played by the Testimony of Social Justice in the working out of the Quaker Peace Witness in the middle years of the twentieth century. [source]


    Informing Theory from Practice and Applied Research

    JOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES, Issue 3 2006
    Patricia Gurin
    Editors' introduction: Patricia Gurin grew up in southern Indiana where citizens split in support of the South and the North during the Civil War, and where the Ku Klux Klan was founded. After graduating from Northwestern University, she worked with the American Friends Service Committee (the social action voice of the Quakers). Later, after earning her PhD in social psychology at the University of Michigan, she (with Edgar Epps) conducted a study of students attending historically Black colleges, focusing on how the vast majority integrated collective and individual achievements, worked with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and stayed in college at the same time. That work initiated her life-long interest in personal and group identity. Most recently, Gurin presented expert testimony in the 2003 Supreme Court cases on affirmative action and the use of race in college admissions decisions. This social science evidence, providing strong support for the compelling interest for diversity in higher education, was widely cited in the majority opinion favoring race-conscious admission policies. Gurin brings this rich activist scholarship to her commentary and discusses the promise of practice and applied research for informing theory. She traces her own professional biography, one that evolved from being a researcher (using primarily national surveys) and teacher (primarily large lecture courses) to becoming intimately involved in teaching through interactive, small group learning communities. Gurin brings to light contributions from the articles that converge on theorizing about the social context such that the theorizing can take into account differences rather than be applied universally. [source]


    Swift,and,Erie: The Trials of an Ephemeral Landmark Case

    JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 3 2009
    TONY A. FREYER
    Like jazz improvisation, the meaning of,Swift v. Tyson,was elusive.1 Justice Joseph Story's 1842 opinion concerning an important commercial-law issue arose from a jury trial.2 When the creditor plaintiff appealed, counsel for the winning debtor raised as a defense Section 34 of the 1789 Judiciary Act. The federal circuit court disagreed about the standing of commercial law under Section 34. Although profound conflicts otherwise divided nationalist and states'-rights proponents, the Supreme Court endorsed Story's commercial-law opinion unanimously.3 New members of the Court and the increasing number of federal lower-court judges steadily transformed the,Swift,doctrine; after the Civil War it agitated the federal judiciary, elite lawyers, and Congress.4 Asserting contrary tenets of American constitutionalism, the Supreme Court overturned the ninety-six-year-old precedent in,Erie Railroad v. Tompkins,(1938).5 The,Swift,doctrine's resonance with changing times was forgotten. The Court and the legal profession established, transformed, and abandoned the doctrine though an adversarial process and judicial instrumentalism. Although the policy of each decision reflected its time, Story's opinion was more consistent with the federalism of the early Constitution than was,Erie.6 [source]


    John Marshall Harlan's Political Memoir

    JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 3 2008
    PETER SCOTT CAMPBELL
    Near the end of his life, John Marshall Harlan wrote a number of biographical essays, presumably at the request of his children. Most of the essays relate to his experiences in the Civil War. The essay reprinted here instead recounts Harlan's political career before he joined the Supreme Court. Although he rarely won any elections and only held a couple of offices, Harlan's political odyssey is significant in that it shows how his social views were formed. Harlan's transformation from a staunch anti-abolitionist to a civil-rights advocate can be viewed as a series of reactions against various opponents as he struggled to find his political identity after the collapse of the Whig party in the 1850s. [source]


    The Influence of the Dartmouth College Case on the American Law of Educational Charities

    JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 1 2007
    ELIZABETH BRAND MONROE
    One of the important features of American history has been the availability of higher education. Religious toleration, low capitalization costs, few educational impediments, public interest and commitment, and ready corporate status made the foundation of colleges and universities a common event in early nineteenth-century America.1 By the time of the Revolution Americans had founded ten colleges; by 1800, twenty-four; by 1820, thirty-eight; and by the Civil War, 232, of which 104 have survived.2 Although the earliest colleges had religious affiliations, with the founding of the University of Georgia in 1785, states also began providing directly for higher education. But the creation of these institutions led to disputes within them over curricula and governance. How the U.S. Supreme Court dealt with a seemingly minor political dispute involving the governance of a small New Hampshire college would determine not only that college's relationship to state and federal government, but also that of all other corporations.3 [source]


    A New Right to Property: Civil War Confiscation in the Reconstruction Supreme Court

    JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 3 2004
    DANIEL W. HAMILTON
    During the Civil War, both the Union Congress and the Confederate Congress put in place sweeping confiscation programs designed to seize the private property of enemy citizens on a massive scale. Meeting in special session in August 1861, the U.S. Congress passed the First Confiscation Act, authorizing the federal government to seize the property of those participating directly in the rebellion.1 The Confederate Congress retaliated on August 30, 1861, passing the Sequestration Act.2 This law authorized the Confederate government to forever seize the real and personal property of "alien enemies," a term that included every U.S. citizen and all those living in the Confederacy who remained loyal to the Union. [source]


    Civil Liberties in Wartime

    JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 3 2003
    Geoffrey R. Stone
    I have a simple thesis: In time of war,or, more precisely, in time of national crisis,we respond too harshly in our restriction of civil liberties, and then later regret our behavior. To explore this thesis, I will briefly review our experience in 1798, the Civil War, World War I, World War II, the Cold War and the Vietnam War. I will then offer some observations. [source]


    Presidents as Supreme Court Advocates: Before and After the White House

    JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 2 2003
    Allen Sharp
    Eight men who took the presidential oath also appeared before the Supreme Court of the United States as advocates. From Senator John Quincy Adams at the outset of the Marshall Court to Richard M. Nixon during the high-water mark of the Warren Court, future and past Presidents have argued before the Supreme Court on such varied and important topics as land scandals in the South, slavery at home and on the high seas, the authority of military commissions over civilians during the Civil War, international disputes as an aftermath of the Alaskan Purchase, and the sensitive intersection between the right to personal privacy and a free press. Here, briefly, are stories of men history knows as Presidents performing as appellate lawyers and oral advocates before the nation's highest court. [source]


    Unsuitable Suitors: Anti-Miscegenation Laws, Naturalization Laws, and the Construction of Asian Identities

    LAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 3 2007
    Deenesh Sohoni
    In this article, I use state-level anti-miscegenation legislation to examine how Asian ethnic groups became categorized within the American racial system in the period between the Civil War and the civil rights movement of the 1960s. I show how the labels used to describe Asian ethnic groups at the state level reflected and were constrained by national-level debates regarding the groups eligible for U.S. citizenship. My main point is that Asian ethnic groups originally were viewed as legally distinct,racially and ethnically, and that members of these groups recognized and used these distinctions to seek social rights and privileges. The construction of "Asian" as a social category resulted primarily from congressional legislation and judicial rulings that linked immigration with naturalization regulations. Anti-miscegenation laws further contributed to the social exclusion of those of Asian ancestry by grouping together U.S.-born and foreign-born Asians. [source]


    Diversity in academic medicine no. 3 struggle for survival among leading diversity programs

    MOUNT SINAI JOURNAL OF MEDICINE: A JOURNAL OF PERSONALIZED AND TRANSLATIONAL MEDICINE, Issue 6 2008
    A. Hal Strelnick MD
    Abstract Since efforts to increase the diversity of academic medicine began shortly after the Civil War, the efforts have been characterized by a ceaseless struggle of old and new programs to survive. In the 40 years after the Civil War, the number of minority-serving institutions grew from 2 to 9, and then the number fell again to 2 in response to an adverse evaluation by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. For 50 years, the programs grew slowly, picking up speed only after the passage of landmark civil rights legislation in the 1960s. From 1987 through 2005, they expanded rapidly, fueled by such new federal programs as the Centers of Excellence and Health Careers Opportunity Programs. Encompassing majority-white institutions as well as minority-serving institutions, the number of Centers of Excellence grew to 34, and the number of Health Careers Opportunity Programs grew to 74. Then, in 2006, the federal government cut its funding abruptly and drastically, reducing the number of Centers of Excellence and Health Careers Opportunity Programs to 4 each. Several advocacy groups, supported by think tanks, have striven to restore federal funding to previous levels, so far to no avail. Meanwhile, the struggle to increase the representation of underrepresented minorities in the health professions is carried on by the surviving programs, including the remaining Centers of Excellence and Health Careers Opportunity Programs and new programs that, funded by state, local, and private agencies, have arisen from the ashes. Mt Sinai J Med 75:504,516, 2008 Mount Sinai School of Medicine [source]


    Angola's National Museum During the Civil War

    MUSEUM INTERNATIONAL, Issue 3-4 2003
    Fernando Vuvu Manzambi
    [source]