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Capitalist Class (capitalist + class)
Kinds of Capitalist Class Selected AbstractsFrom Canadian Corporate Elite to Transnational Capitalist Class: Transitions in the Organization of Corporate Power,CANADIAN REVIEW OF SOCIOLOGY/REVUE CANADIENNE DE SOCIOLOGIE, Issue 3 2007William K. Carroll Cet article se penche sur un programme de recherche qui a consigné les transitions qui ont été effectuées dans l'élite de l'entreprise canadienne et qui a enquêté dernièrement sur la formation d'une classe capitaliste transnationale. Le programme s'est concentré sur l'organisation sociale du pouvoir des grandes sociétés sous ses aspects à la fois cumulatifs et hégémoniques, telle qu'elle a été retrouvée par le réeseau des conseils d'administration interdépendants dans les plus grandes entreprises. Des événements récents au Canada illustrent les transitions qui semblent indispensables a la forme financière de l'accumulation et aux « politiques axées sur le marché» caractérisant le capitalisme néolibéral Dans l'ensemble, l'analyse du réseau démontre que la classe capitaliste transnationale ne se trouve qu'à l'état naissant malgré l'organisation sociale fournie par les réseaux internationaux et les groupes de planification de politiques mondiaux. This article reflects on a research program that has mapped transitions in the Canadian corporate elite and has more recently investigated the formation of a transnational capitalist class. The program has focussed on the social organization of corporate power in both its accumulative and hegemonic aspects, as traced by the network of interlwkmg directorates among the largest fms. Recent developments in Canada exempw transitions that seem integral to the fmancialized form of accumulation and the "market-driven politics" that characterize neo-liberal capitalism. Globally, network analysis shows the transnational capitalist class to be only nascent, despite the social organization provided by transnational interlocks and global policy-planning groups. [source] Fragments of Economic Accountability and Trade PolicyFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 2 2007RYAN KENNEDY While there has been a prodigious amount of literature on trade policy written in the past two decades, very little of that literature has dealt with countries in economic transition or nondemocratic regimes. There has also been a lack of work dealing with state interests in trade policy beyond realpolitik discussions of national security. This article seeks to fill some of these gaps through a study of two samples: one of liberalization in 25 post-Communist countries between the years 1991 and 1999 and the other of 124 countries from around the world in 1997. The study concludes that a key element in the choice between free trade and protectionism is the level of "fragmentation of economic accountability." Such fragmentation consists of two major components: (1) the existence of a strong capitalist class that is independent of the government; and (2) the dispersion of political power among actors both inside and outside the government. Where the government is more accountable to a wide range of interests, policies are more likely to be aligned with market mechanisms, encouraging the adoption of reforms, including the liberalization of trade policy. This article builds on the conclusions of Frye and Mansfield in several ways: (1) it embeds political fragmentation into a larger theoretical framework of economic accountability of government institutions; (2) it introduces the importance of state ownership in shaping government interests; (3) it introduces an idea of social, not just institutional, accountability; and (4) it proposes a statist view of trade policy that is lacking in the present literature. [source] The network of global corporations and elite policy groups: a structure for transnational capitalist class formation?GLOBAL NETWORKS, Issue 1 2003William K. Carroll This study situates five top transnational policy,planning groups within the larger structure of corporate power that is constituted through interlocking directorates among the world's largest companies. Each group makes a distinct contribution towards transnational capitalist hegemony both by building consensus within the global corporate elite and by educating publics and states on the virtues of one or another variant of the neo,liberal paradigm. Analysis of corporate,policy interlocks reveals that a few dozen cosmopolitans , primarily men based in Europe and North America and actively engaged in corporate management , knit the network together via participation in transnational interlocking and/or multiple policy groups. As a structure underwriting transnational business activism, the network is highly centralized, yet from its core it extends unevenly to corporations and individuals positioned on its fringes. The policy groups pull the directorates of the world's major corporations together, and collaterally integrate the lifeworld of the global corporate elite, but they do so selectively, reproducing regional differences in participation. These findings support the claim that a well,integrated global corporate elite has formed, and that global policy groups have contributed to its formation. Whether this elite confirms the arrival of a transnational capitalist class is a matter partly of semantics and partly of substance. [source] The Transnational Capitalist Class and Contemporary Architecture in Globalizing CitiesINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2005LESLIE SKLAIR The focus of this article is on the role of the transnational capitalist class (TCC) in and around architecture in the production and marketing of iconic buildings and spaces, in global or world cities. The TCC is conceptualized in terms of four fractions: (1) Those who own and/or and control the major transnational corporations and their local affiliates (corporate fraction). In architecture these are the major architectural, architecture-engineering and architecture-developer-real estate firms. In comparison with the major global consumer goods, energy and financial corporations the revenues of the biggest firms in the architecture industry are quite small. However, their importance for the built environment and their cultural importance, especially in cities, far outweighs their relative lack of financial and corporate muscle. (2) Globalizing politicians and bureaucrats (state fraction). These are the politicians and bureaucrats at all levels of administrative power and responsibility who actually decide what gets built where, and how changes to the built environment are regulated. (3) Globalizing professionals (technical fraction). The members of this fraction range from the leading technicians centrally involved in the structural features of new building to those responsible for the education of students and the public in architecture. (4) Merchants and media (consumerist fraction). These are the people who are responsible for the marketing of architecture in all its manifestations. (There is obviously some overlap between the membership of these fractions.). My conclusion is that many global and aspiring global cities have looked to iconic architecture as a prime strategy of urban intervention, often in the context of rehabilitation of depressed areas. The attempt to identify the agents most responsible for this transformation, namely the TCC, and to explain how they operate, suggests that deliberately iconic architecture is becoming a global phenomenon, specifically a central urban manifestation of the culture-ideology of consumerism. L'article porte sur la classe capitaliste transnationale (TCC) au sein et à la périphérie de l'architecture, et sur son rôle dans la production et la commercialisation de constructions et espaces iconiques dans les villes mondiales ou planétaires. Cette classe se conceptualise en quatre fractions: (1) Ceux qui détiennent et/ou contrôlent les principaux groupes transnationaux et leurs sociétés affiliées locales (fraction économique): En architecture, il existe de grands cabinets d'architecture, d'ingénierie en architecture et d'architectes promoteurs immobiliers. Par rapport aux grosses sociétés multinationales de la finance, de l'énergie ou des biens de consommation, les recettes des plus importants cabinets sont assez faibles; pourtant, leur place dans l'environnement construit et la culture, notamment en milieu urbain, compensent largement leur impact relativement mince sur le plan financier et économique. (2) Les acteurs politiques et bureaucratiques de la mondialisation (fraction étatique): Il s'agit des politicients et bureaucrates à tous les niveaux de responsabilié et de pouvoir administratifs qui décident effectivement de ce qui est construit et où, ainsi que de la régulation des changements apportés à l'environnement construit. (3) Les acteurs professionnels de la mondialisation (fraction technique): Leur diversité va des techniciens de renom, surtout impliqués dans les caractéristiques structurelles des nouveaux bâtiments, à ceux qui sont chargés d'enseigner l'architecture aux étudiants et d'éduquer le public. (4) Marchands et médias (fraction consumériste): Ce sont les personnes responsables de la commercialisation de l'architecture dans toutes ses manifestations. Ces quatre fractions présentent bien sûr des intersections. On peut déduire que bon nombre de villes planétaires , ou aspirant à le devenir , ont opté pour une architecture iconique comme première stratégie d'intervention urbaine, souvent dans un contexte de réhabilitation de zones en déclin. Identifier les principaux agents responsables de cette transformation (la TCC) et expliquer leur mode de fonctionnement conduit à suggérer qu'une architecture délibérément iconique devient un phénomène mondial, plus précisément une manifestation urbaine essentielle de l'idéologie-culture du consumérisme. [source] From Canadian Corporate Elite to Transnational Capitalist Class: Transitions in the Organization of Corporate Power,CANADIAN REVIEW OF SOCIOLOGY/REVUE CANADIENNE DE SOCIOLOGIE, Issue 3 2007William K. Carroll Cet article se penche sur un programme de recherche qui a consigné les transitions qui ont été effectuées dans l'élite de l'entreprise canadienne et qui a enquêté dernièrement sur la formation d'une classe capitaliste transnationale. Le programme s'est concentré sur l'organisation sociale du pouvoir des grandes sociétés sous ses aspects à la fois cumulatifs et hégémoniques, telle qu'elle a été retrouvée par le réeseau des conseils d'administration interdépendants dans les plus grandes entreprises. Des événements récents au Canada illustrent les transitions qui semblent indispensables a la forme financière de l'accumulation et aux « politiques axées sur le marché» caractérisant le capitalisme néolibéral Dans l'ensemble, l'analyse du réseau démontre que la classe capitaliste transnationale ne se trouve qu'à l'état naissant malgré l'organisation sociale fournie par les réseaux internationaux et les groupes de planification de politiques mondiaux. This article reflects on a research program that has mapped transitions in the Canadian corporate elite and has more recently investigated the formation of a transnational capitalist class. The program has focussed on the social organization of corporate power in both its accumulative and hegemonic aspects, as traced by the network of interlwkmg directorates among the largest fms. Recent developments in Canada exempw transitions that seem integral to the fmancialized form of accumulation and the "market-driven politics" that characterize neo-liberal capitalism. Globally, network analysis shows the transnational capitalist class to be only nascent, despite the social organization provided by transnational interlocks and global policy-planning groups. [source] | ||||||||||