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Candidate Countries (candidate + country)
Selected AbstractsImproving Opportunities for Adult Learning in the Acceding and Candidate Countries of Central and Eastern EuropeEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION, Issue 1 2004Haralabos Fragoulis First page of article [source] The politics of Europe 2003: differences and disagreementsINDUSTRIAL RELATIONS JOURNAL, Issue 6 2004Erik Jones ABSTRACT The European Union (EU) was supposed to make a great leap forward in 2003. In many ways, it did. The European Convention presented its draft constitutional treaty. The 10 candidate countries signed and ratified their treaties of accession, and the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) agreed to share institutional resources. However, the year was marked more by division than by achievement. A series of crises over Iraq, the Stability and Growth Pact and the intergovernmental conference together shook confidence in the future of Europe. This essay examines what the implications of these crises are for Europe's future. It argues that they represent important disagreements,,but not lasting differences,,between the member states. The politics of Europe remains on track at the intergovernmental level. If there are problems in Europe's future, they are more likely to arise between elites and voters than between the member states. [source] International knowledge and innovation networks for European integration, cohesion, and enlargement*INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 180 2004Riccardo Cappellin Nowadays, it is widely accepted that knowledge and learning are the core of competitiveness, international division of labour and agglomeration and exclusion phenomena. Yet we are still in need of a better understanding of the processes which allow access by individual regions both to codified knowledge and RTD networks as well as tacit knowledge and know-how at the international/interregional level. This paper will discuss possible approaches to analyse the mechanisms which operate at the international/interregional level and lead to higher forms of integration of industrial and service firms, not only in a commercial or financial perspective but also in knowledge and innovation networks. It will point to a need to develop policy strategies in support of institutions that create and transfer knowledge on a European scale and outline open questions for the creation of the necessary institutional background for the creation and the support of knowledge and innovation networks at this level and for the conditions of its transferability to Objective 1 regions and the EU new member states and candidate countries. [source] The Effectiveness of Structural Policy in the European Union: An Empirical Analysis for the EU-15 in 1995,2001,JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 1 2005MAAIKE BEUGELSDIJK The main aim of structural policy is to decrease the regional disparities within the European Union (EU). In 2004 ten new member countries joined the EU, and it is expected that this enlargement will cause strong regional disparities within the Union. For this reason the distribution of financial support by structural policy will undergo drastic changes. In this study we consider two main themes. First, convergence of the current EU Member States is empirically tested for the period 1995,2001, and the effect of the structural funds in this context is identified. Structural funds do indeed appear to have had a positive impact, and poorer countries (like Greece) appear to have caught up with the richer countries. The importance of the structural funds in this respect therefore cannot be neglected. Second, we touch on the problem of moral hazard and the substitution effect. It may be expected that receivers of structural funds in some cases are not really eligible and may therefore use the funds inefficiently. Our first and preliminary results seem to indicate that the less clean countries (or as we measure it, more ,corrupt' countries) of the current EU-15 do not gain less economic growth from the structural funds. The hypothesis that structural funds contributed to fewer interregional disparities within the current 15 European countries cannot be rejected. This may mean the intended plans of channelling a big share of the funds to the candidate countries in 2007,13 will probably contribute to higher economic growth in these countries. [source] Eastern European Attitudes to Integration with Western EuropeJCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2004Anetta Caplanova This article examines attitudes to membership of the EU and Nato amongst countries in central and eastern Europe. Sample survey data are obtained from the Eurobarometer surveys of transition and EU candidate countries. The empirical results suggest that support for membership increases with socio-economic variables such as in come and education, reflecting self-interest. But attitudinal variables are also important and, in particular, confidence in the free market economy impacts positively on support for membership. Support for EU membership is not a mirror image of that for Nato, with the differences appearing to revolve around self-interest. [source] Food safety performance in European union accession countries: Benchmarking the fresh produce import sector in HungaryAGRIBUSINESS : AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL, Issue 1 2006Marian Garcia Martinez Countries that accede to the European Union face a complex and urgent task to adopt and implement the Acquis Communautaire on food safety. For the food industries in such countries, this implies that the European Union's standards of food production and processing, food quality and safety have to be met to ensure a high level of consumer protection and satisfaction. The authors assess the level of food safety performance in one accession country, Hungary, in one food sector (the fresh produce importing chain), and evaluate the capacity of the system to demonstrate quality assurance to the satisfaction of private customers and public regulators. The analysis of food safety performance has been undertaken through gap analysis using a novel application of a benchmarking methodology taking the United Kingdom fresh produce importing chain as the benchmark. The insights are relevant to other accession countries and to other candidate countries for European Union enlargement. [EconLit Classifications: Q130, Q180]. © 2006 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Agribusiness 22: 69,89, 2006. [source] Policies to Reconcile Labor Force Participation and Childbearing in the European UnionPOPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW, Issue 2 2006Article first published online: 26 JUN 200 A recently published report commissioned by the Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities of the European Commission reviews "reconciliation" policies in 30 European countries. Such policies are defined by the report in its title as measures that foster "reconciliation of work and private life" or, more elaborately in the body of the report, as "policies that directly support the combination of professional, family and private life." In this context work means gainful employment, while private life in effect means childbearing. The countries covered are those of the EU 25, two candidate countries (Bulgaria and Romania), and three countries that are part of the European Economic Area (Iceland, Norway, and Liechtenstein). The report, not formally endorsed by the Commission, was prepared by the EU Expert Group on Gender, Social Inclusion and Employment. Each of the 30 countries was represented by at least one expert. The 96-page report identifies four types of reconciliation policies: childcare services, leave facilities, flexible working-time arrangements, and financial allowances. Descriptions of these policies from the Executive Summary are reproduced below. The full report is accessible at «http://bookshop.eu.int/eubookshop/FileCache/PUBPDF/KE6905828ENC/KE6905828ENC_002.pdf». Although the report makes passing reference to below-replacement fertility in the EU member countries, its focus is clearly directed to measures that could increase the rate of employment, especially female employment. According to the EU's "Lisbon targets" set in 2000, the female employment rate in the EU should be raised to 60 percent of the working-age population by 2010. Based on data for 2003, only eight EU countries have met or exceeded this target. Childbearing is seen as in part responsible for the shortfall. Reconciliation policies could make the Lisbon target for female employment more easily achievable and "especially stimulate full time participation." Furthermore, the report suggests, such policies, as a byproduct, could also enhance fertility. Financial allowances, paid directly to families with children, the fourth type of policy discussed by the report, include measures reminiscent of the main thrust of the newly announced proposals for increasing fertility in Russia (see the preceding Documents item in this issue). The report, however, makes no reference to differentiation by parity, a distinctive mark of pronatalist intent. Indeed, it specifies that "family-based tax concessions and family allowances are not part of the reconciliation policy per se," noting, with an apparent element of disapproval, that such provisions "are often based on (and may reinforce the notion of) a traditional breadwinner model by reducing the incentive to work for both spouses." [source] The European Commission on Factors Influencing Labor MigrationPOPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW, Issue 2 2001Article first published online: 27 JAN 200 A controversial issue in discussions on enlargement of the European Union beyond its existing membership of 15 countries is the migration flows that admission of new members could generate. Given major differences in income and wage levels between the EU states and the candidates for membership, casual theorizing suggests that the potential for massive international migration is very high. The fact that such migration has thus far been of modest size by most plausible criteria is attributed to the restrictive policies of the potential destination countries, policies that reflect national interests, in particular protection of labor markets, as perceived by voting majorities. With accession to membership in the EU this factor is removed: a cardinal principle of the Union, established by treaty, is the free movement of persons, including persons seeking gainful employment. The factors governing migratory movements between member states then come to resemble those that shape internal migration. This should facilitate analysis and forecasting. A clear sorting-out of the relevant forces affecting such "internal" migration remains of course an essential precondition for success in that task. An "Information note," entitled The Free Movement of Workers in the Context of Enlargement, issued by the European Commission, the EU's Executive Body, on 6 March 2001, presents extensive discussion of relevant information, opinion, and policy options concerning its topic. (The document is available at «http://europa.eu.int/comm/enlarge-ment/docs/pdf/migration_enl.pdf».) An Annex to the document. Factors Influencing Labour Movement, is a lucid enumeration of the factors migration theory considers operative in determining the migration of workers and, by extension, of people at large, that is likely to ensue upon EU enlargement. This annex is reproduced below. As is evident from the catalog of factors and their likely complex interactions, making quantitative forecasts of future migration flows, envisaged primarily as originating from countries to be newly admitted to the EU and destined for the countries of the current EU15, is exceedingly difficult. This is reflected in disparities among the existing studies that have made such forecasts. Yet there appears to be a fair degree of agreement that major increases in migration are unlikely, suggesting that the overall effect on the EU15 labor market should be limited. Typical forecasts (detailed in the Information note cited above) anticipate that in the initial year after admission, taken to be 2003, total migration from the eight prime candidate countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania: the "CC8") might amount to around 200,000 persons, roughly one-third of which would be labor migration. According to these forecasts, the annual flow will gradually diminish in subsequent years. After 10 to 15 years the stock of CC8 migrants in the EU15 might be on the order of 1.8 to 2.7 million. The longer-run migration potential from the candidate countries would be on the order of 1 percent of the present EU population, currently some 375 million. (The combined current population of the CC8 is 74 million.) Such predictions are in line with the relatively minor migratory movements that followed earlier admissions to the EU of countries with then markedly lower per capita incomes, such as Spain and Portugal. The geographic impact of migration ensuing from enlargement would, however, be highly uneven, with Germany and Austria absorbing a disproportionately large share. Accordingly, and reflecting a prevailing expectation in these two countries that enlargement would have some short-run disruptive effects on labor markets, some of the policy options discussed envisage a period of transition following enlargement,perhaps five to seven years,during which migration would remain subject to agreed-upon restrictions. [source] Schools as Socialisation Contexts: Understanding the Impact of School Climate Factors on Students' Sense of School BelongingAPPLIED PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2010Zeynep Cemalcilar Education is a top priority of the European Union (EU). The EU Education Council has declared that to be the world leader in terms of the quality of education and training systems by 2010, fundamental transformations in education should be carried out in each country according to its national context and traditions. As a candidate country, Turkey shares this common objective. Yet, the mean school attainment and net education enrollment rates in Turkey are still behind the EU averages. The education literature indicates students' sense of school belonging as an important predictor of school attainment. This study aims to identify the policy manipulable social aspects of schools that can be instrumental in increasing students' sense of school belonging in a sample of 799 middle school students attending public schools in Istanbul, Turkey. The conceptual model posits that students' satisfaction with both the social relationships in the school and the school environment has consequences for their sense of school belonging. The results of the structural equation model analysis revealed a plausible model. Satisfaction with social relationships emerged as a stronger predictor of sense of school belonging than satisfaction with the school environment. Further comparisons of the same conceptual model for schools with low and high socioeconomic conditions yielded different associations among the study variables. The findings are discussed in terms of their relevance to the education system in Turkey and other less affluent societies with similar social, cultural, and economic conditions. L'éducation est une priorité majeure de l'Union Européenne (UE). Le Conseil de l'Education de l'UE a déclaré que pour devenir le leader mondial de la qualité de l'éducation et de la formation en 2010, il fallait opérer des réformes d'importance dans le système d'éducation de chacun des pays dans le respect de leurs traditions et de leur contexte national. En tant que candidate pour intégrer l'Union, la Turquie partage cet objectif commun. Pourtant, les performances scolaires moyennes et le taux de scolarisation sont en Turquie toujours en-dessous des moyennes européennes. La littérature concernée montre que la conviction de l'élève d'être intégréà l'école est un prédicteur important de ses résultats scolaires. Cette étude cherche à définir les possibilités d'action politique sur les variables sociales scolaires susceptibles d'améliorer le sentiment d'appartenance à l'école, cela sur un échantillon de 799 élèves de collège fréquentant des établissements publics d'Istanbul. Le modèle pose que la satisfaction des élèves relative aux relations sociales à l'école et à l'environnement scolaire est en relation avec leur sentiment d'intégration à l'établissement. Les résultats de l'analyse en modèle d'équation structurale fournissent une structure plausible. La satisfaction liée aux relations sociales ressort comme un prédicteur du sentiment d'appartenance plus puissant que la satisfaction relative à l'environnement scolaire. Des manipulations complémentaires de ce même modèle à partir de conditions socio-économiques élevées ou basses débouchèrent sur de nouvelles associations entre les différentes variables. Ces résultats sont évalués sur la base de leur pertinence pour le système scolaire turque et celui d'autres pays moins prospères présentant des conditions économiques, sociales et culturelles analogues. [source] | |||||||||||||