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British Government (british + government)
Selected AbstractsThe evolving UK wind energy industry: critical policy and management aspects of the emerging research agendaENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND GOVERNANCE, Issue 1 2006Peter A. Strachan Abstract In recent years, renewable energy , and in particular wind power , has come to the fore of both international and UK national environmental policy debates. In addition to helping to meet its Kyoto obligations, the British Government has indicated its desire for a much larger slice of the international wind energy market, and has consequently developed a national strategy to stimulate a more vibrant UK wind energy industry. With this in mind, the British Government's Climate Change Programme (DETR, 2000) and more recent Energy White Paper (DTI, 2003) outline the UK energy strategy for the coming two decades, with wind power featuring as a core component. This article critically considers the prospects for the development of a wind energy industry in the UK and introduces five strategic opportunities and five strategic barriers in this evolving segment of the energy market. The article concludes with recommendations to enhance public acceptance of wind energy and four important areas for future research are outlined. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source] From doves to hawks: A spatial analysis of voting in the Monetary Policy Committee of the Bank of EnglandEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 6 2010SIMON HIX This article examines the making of monetary policy in the United Kingdom between 1997 and 2008 by analysing voting behaviour in the Bank of England's Monetary Policy Committee (MPC). It provides a new set of measures for the monetary policy preferences of individual MPC members by estimating a Bayesian item response model. The article demonstrates the usefulness of these measures by comparing the ideal points of outgoing MPC members with their successors and by looking at changes over time in the median ideal point on the MPC. The analysis indicates that the British Government has been able to move the position of the median voter on the MPC through its appointments to the Committee. This highlights the importance of central bank appointments for monetary policy. [source] British Government in Crisis, by Christopher FosterTHE MODERN LAW REVIEW, Issue 4 2006Martin Loughlin No abstract is available for this article. [source] From Blair to Brown: The Condition of British GovernmentTHE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2007PETER HENNESSY Peter Hennessy examines the conduct of central government since 1997, especially Cabinet processes during the build-up to the Iraq war of 2003. He discusses the degree to which both Blair and Brown over the past months have appeared to run against aspects of the governing style of the administrations they have jointly dominated. He assesses what Gordon Brown's floated idea of a written constitution might mean in practical terms and makes a particular case for a War Powers Act. [source] "Going to War in Buses": The Anglo-American Clash over Leyland Sales to Cuba, 1963,1964DIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 5 2010Christopher Hull The sale of buses by the Leyland Motor Company to Cuba proved contentious, not only in the realm of Anglo-American relations, but also in the domestic sphere of a behind the scenes inter-departmental disagreement within the British government. This is because the bus exports pitted political against economic interests at the height of the Cold War and in the midst of a British export drive. As Her Majesty's Government readily recognized, Washington was particularly sensitive over any issue related to Cuba, which by 1963 was firmly in the communist orbit of the Soviet bloc and which the United States was determined to isolate economically through the application of a trade blockade. The decision to approve the sales came at the end of the Macmillan and Kennedy administrations, and clouded the short-lived partnership of Prime Minister Alec Douglas-Home and President Lyndon B. Johnson. The bus exports became an election issue in the campaigns of both leaders in 1964, assuming a political significance that belied the buses' seemingly innocuous function and outward appearance. [source] Seeing America,diary of a drug-focused study tour made in 1967ADDICTION, Issue 6 2010Griffith Edwards ABSTRACT In 1965 the British government was forced to admit that the country had an escalating heroin problem, with the supply coming mainly from prescribing by private practitioners. Within the official responses to what was seen at that time as a very worrying public health situation was the decision to fund the setting-up of the Addiction Research Unit (ARU) at the Institute of Psychiatry, London. The US National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) generously sponsored a study tour for the nominated director of the ARU shortly before the opening of the British research centre. Extensive contemporaneous diary notes of a visit included contact with administrators, researchers, clinicians, parish priests, narcotic agents and addicts themselves. From a mass of often conflicting advice, some insights could be derived. In particular, these included the need for an awareness of any country's way of dealing with drug problems as a dynamic, multi-factorial total system,a holistic ,national response'. A further conclusion was to see policy itself as a complex subject for analysis: drug policy should be as much an issue for research as drug taking. Besides these broad conclusions, the experience provided many specific leads to development of a British addiction research programme, and fostered professional friendships of immeasurable worth. [source] Towards a new Bradshaw?ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 1 20071960s, Economic statistics, the British state in the 1950s SUMMARY This article outlines the attempts of British central government to react to the perceived inadequacy of official economic statistics. A huge amount of work went into this project, the main aim of which was to speed up the production of statistics so that the economy could be analysed in more detail, and thus better managed. If this was to work, more data was required on the labour market, on productivity, on production, and on the interlinkages between those indicators. British official statistics clearly were more comprehensive and more detailed at the end of this period than they had been at the start. Even so, the effort was usually thought to have been a failure by the early 1970s. More detail took time to produce; it was difficult to recruit the necessary staff; successive administrative reorganizations also absorbed energies. The devolved informality of British government hampered the emergence of an overall picture. Businesses and trade unions resisted attempts to collect more data, especially when it showed them in an unflattering light. Above all, the elite, specialist, and technical nature of the reform process meant that very little political and popular pressure built up to force through further changes. [source] ,Riches beyond the dreams of avarice?': commerical returns on British warship construction, 1889-1914ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 2 2001A.J. Arnold The contracts for naval warships placed in private shipyards in the nineteenth century provide an early example of state procurement policy. It has been widely argued that these contracts allowed the firms concerned to earn unusually high profits, although the evidence provided has been very limited. This article analyses the effects of naval warship contracts on the profitability of the dominant suppliers during the ,naval arms race' of 1889-1914 in order to provide new and more systematic evidence on the workings of an early form of regulation and on a tangible aspect of the relationship between firms and the British government. [source] The Northern Ireland Peace Process and the War against Terrorism: Conflicting Conceptions?GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 3 2007Adrian Guelke Preserving Northern Ireland's peace process in the midst of a war against international terrorism has presented the British government with a series of dilemmas at the level of political rhetoric, policy-making and legislation. The peace process demands adherence to human rights standards to provide a foundation for the new political dispensation, while an implication of the necessity for a war against terrorism is that restrictions on liberty are justifiable in the name of security against the backdrop of the existence of an emergency. These conflicting conceptions for addressing political violence at the national and international level are addressed. [source] Governing Elites, External Events and Pro-democratic Opposition in Hong Kong (1986,2002)GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 4 2003Ming Sing While China has been the most important constraint on Hong Kong's democratization, another neglected constraint has been the limited mobilization power of the pro-democracy opposition in both civil and political society for most of the period from 1984 to 2002. The mobilization power of the pro-democracy opposition, mediated by their degree of internal unity and ability to capitalize on external political opportunities, affected its overall bargaining power vis-à-vis the Chinese and British government over democratization in different phases. The self-censorship among Hong Kong's media, plus economic recession since the Handover, further sapped the mobilization and bargaining power of pro-democratic forces. [source] ,Flames and fear on the farms': controlling foot and mouth disease in Britain, 1892,2001*HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 198 2004Abigail Woods For over a century, the British government has pursued a policy of national freedom from foot and mouth disease (F.M.D.), a highly contagious disease of cloven-footed animals. One of the cornerstones of this policy was the slaughter of infected animals. However, on several occasions , most notably in 2001 , slaughter struggled to contain F.M.D., and provoked widespread criticism and calls for policy change. Drawing upon a range of previously unexamined sources, this article examines the history of F.M.D. in Britain, in an attempt to explain the twenty-first-century persistence of a Victorian disease control policy. [source] The Rule of Law in the Realm and the Province of New York: Prelude to the American RevolutionHISTORY, Issue 301 2006HERBERT A. JOHNSON British and American views of public law have diverged greatly over the past two hundred years. This article examines the evolution of New York's adherence to the rule of fundamental law and the use of colonial common law courts to protect the rights of New York subjects against the prerogative power of the crown. As a conquered province from 1664 to 1683, New York was denied a legislature. Thereafter the colonial legislative bodies were active in making unsuccessful attempts to claim their birthright as Englishmen. In England the Glorious Revolution represented a major step in the development of parliamentary supremacy. In New York, however, it facilitated an ethnic insurrection followed by the realization that English governmental policy mandated the denial of basic rights of Englishmen to colonial residents. The Glorious Revolution simply made it possible for parliament, as well as the crown, to regulate colonial affairs without any constitutional restrictions prior to 1774. In terms of constitutional dynamics in eighteenth-century England, continued imperial rule through an untrammelled royal prerogative substantially increased the political power and revenues of the crown. Failing to consider the impact of monarchial power in a growing empire, the 1688,9 Convention Parliament laid the foundation for an unbalanced British government in the middle of the eighteenth century. Deprived of patronage and extraordinary revenues at home, the monarchs turned to regulation of their empire and to reaping increased financial benefit. Both of these unintended consequences of the Glorious Revolution threatened parliamentary supremacy, even as parliament's new-found power began to undermine the rule of law in the empire. [source] ,The Suggested Basis for a Russian Federal Republic': Britain, Anti-Bolshevik Russia and the Border States at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919HISTORY, Issue 301 2006CHARLOTTE ALSTON Allied policy towards Russia at the Paris Peace Conference was confused and uncoordinated. Throughout 1919 civil war continued to rage in Russia and its former borderlands. While piecemeal assistance was being given to the anti-Bolshevik forces led by Kolchak and Denikin, the Allies also made promises to support the independence of the newly established states on the borders of Russia. At the height of Kolchak's military success in May 1919, they were seriously considering recognition of his Omsk government. This article shows that the British government investigated the possibility of a reconstructed Russian federation based around the Kolchak government. James Simpson, a member of the Foreign Office's Political Intelligence Department, was sent to Paris to negotiate with the parties involved. While his efforts were a short and abortive episode in the history of the Peace Conference, his discussions and the reports he received shed interesting light on the attitudes and actions of the many unrecognized delegations from former parts of Russia at the conference and on their relations with Russia, the Allies, and each other. [source] ,The Great Prohibition': The Expansion of Christianity in Colonial Northern NigeriaHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 6 2010Andrew E. Barnes Historical research on the spread of Christianity in colonial Northern Nigeria has been hampered by a focus on the wrong issues. The population of the colony was predominantly Muslim, but the colonial territory created by the British contained large populations of African traditionalist peoples. During the colonial era the British government prohibited Christian proselytization of Muslims. Historical research had focused on the battle between colonial administrators and missionaries over entry into Muslim areas, a battle missionaries lost. But during the colonial era Christian missions experienced real success in Christianizing traditionalist peoples. The colonial government also sought to impede this development, significantly by using the same rules that prohibited the proselytization of Muslims to prohibit the proselytization of traditionalists. This article makes the case that the government's efforts to halt the spread of Christianity to traditionalists, not Muslims, should become the focus of new research. [source] Effects of culling on spatial associations of Mycobacterium bovis infections in badgers and cattleJOURNAL OF APPLIED ECOLOGY, Issue 5 2007HELEN E JENKINS Summary 1Bovine tuberculosis (TB), caused by Mycobacterium bovis, has serious consequences for Britain's cattle industry. European badgers (Meles meles) can transmit infection to cattle, and for many years the British government culled badgers in a series of attempts to reduce cattle infections. 2We investigated the impact of badger culling on the spatial distribution of M. bovis infection in badger and cattle populations in replicated areas in England. 3M. bovis infection was significantly clustered within badger populations, but clustering was reduced when culls were repeated across wide areas. A significant spatial association between M. bovis infections in badgers and cattle herds likewise declined across successive culls. These patterns are consistent with evidence that badgers are less territorial and range more widely in culled areas, allowing transmission to occur over greater distances. 4Prior to culling, M. bovis infections were clustered within cattle populations. Where badger culling was localised, and in unculled areas just outside widespread culling areas, cattle infections became less spatially clustered as badger culling was repeated. This is consistent with expanded badger ranging observed in these areas. 5In contrast, clustering of infection in cattle persisted over time on lands where badgers were repeatedly culled over wide areas. While this lack of a temporal trend must be interpreted with caution, it might reflect persistent infection within, and continued transmission between, cattle herds in areas where transmission from badgers to cattle had been reduced by badger culling. Continued spatial association of infections in cattle and badgers in such areas might partly reflect transmission from cattle. 6Synthesis and applications: Our findings confirm that badger culling can prompt spatial spread of M. bovis infection, a phenomenon likely to undermine the utility of this approach as a disease control measure. Possible evidence of transmission from cattle, both to other cattle and to badgers, suggests that improved cattle controls might yield multiple benefits for TB management. [source] Tax Clientele Effects in the Term Structure of UK Interest RatesJOURNAL OF BUSINESS FINANCE & ACCOUNTING, Issue 3-4 2001Eric J. Levin This paper tests for tax clientele effects in the term structure of UK interest rates. Five empirical models of the term structure of interest rates, incorporating tax effects, are estimated with daily data covering the period 31 March, 1995 to 3 August, 1995. In May 1995, the British government announced its intention to eliminate the tax exemption on capital gains from government bonds, but subsequently in July 1995 backtracked on some of its initial proposals. This period therefore forms the basis of a crude natural experiment in the sense that it provides an opportunity to examine tax clientele effects ,before' and ,after' an event which should have levelled greatly the taxing of government bonds. The empirical analysis suggests large tax clientele effects. However, there is little evidence of tax-specific term structures of interest rates. [source] MI 6's Requirements Directorate: Integrating Intelligence into the Machinery of British Central GovernmentPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 1 2000Philip H.J. DaviesArticle first published online: 17 DEC 200 The following article examines the relationship between the British Secret Intelli-gence Service (SIS, a.k.a. MI 6) and the machinery of central government, particularly departments of state and other agencies which employ information generated by the SIS. It is argued the main link between the SIS and its consumers in British government is the SIS's requirements ,side', embodied throughout most of the post-war era in the form of a Requirements Directorate. The article argues that the Requirements mechanism operates as a line of communication between the SIS and its consumers separate from the Cabinet Office Joint Intelligence Organisation (JIO), although there is overlap and interdependency between the two architectures. This discussion traces the development of the ,requirements side' from the interwar period up to the post-Cold War era using information from archival sources and a programme of interviews with former UK intelligence officials. It is further argued that the structure and process of the SIS ,requirements side' has developed and changed as a consequence of changes in the structure of demand in the machinery of British government, including adapting to the increasingly central role of the JIO. However, despite that increasingly central role of the JIO, the ,requirements side' has continued to serve as the first point of contact between the SIS and its customers in Whitehall. [source] The origins of American physical anthropology in PhiladelphiaAMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue S49 2009Alan Mann Abstract With its location on a river with easy access to the sea, its central placement between the English speaking colonies to the north and south and its trading connections with the western frontier, there were many reasons Philadelphia became one of the most important towns of prerevolutionary America. In the early 1770s, it was the site of the first meeting organized to deal with the perceived inequities of the British government toward the colonies. It was where Thomas Jefferson wrote much of the Declaration of Independence, whose soaring statements reflecting the Age of Enlightenment spoke of the equality of all men. It was to this debate, centered on just who was included in this declaration that the origins of physical anthropology in America can be traced. Notable men in the early phases of this disputation included Samuel Stanhope Smith and especially Samuel George Morton, considered the founder of American physical anthropology. The American School of Anthropology, which argued for the polygenic origins of human races was substantially founded on Morton's work. Recent accusations that Morton manipulated data to support his racist views would appear unfounded. The publication of The Origin of Species in 1859 and the issuing of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1862-63 effectively ended the earlier debates. By the time of the American Civil War, 1861-65, physical anthropology was beginning to explore other topics including growth and development and anthropometry. Yrbk Phys Anthropol 52:155,163, 2009. © 2009 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] Woolgrowers, Brokers and the Debate over the Sale of the Australian Wool Clip, 1920,1925AUSTRALIAN ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 1 2001M. J. Keneley Prior to the First World War, the selling of the Australian wool clip rested firmly in the hands of the large woolbroking firms. An agreement between the British and Australian governments during the war saw many of the wool-selling functions of broking firms taken over by the Central Wool Committee. At the conclusion of hostilities, brokers moved to regain their role in the market. However, market conditions had changed. On an international level, traditional trading relationships had broken down, leaving commodity markets unstable and prices unpredictable. On a local level, woolgrowers had benefited from the wartime orderly marketing scheme and the high price guaranteed by the British government for their wool clip. As a result, they had begun to demand a greater role in the selling arrangements of their clip. This paper investigates the debates over the sale of the wool clip in the 1920s and how woolbrokers and growers eventually arrived at an understanding as to the manner in which the market should operate. [source] Integrating children's services to promote children's welfare: early findings from the implementation of children's trusts in EnglandCHILD ABUSE REVIEW, Issue 6 2006Margaret O'Brien Abstract As part of the reform of English children's services, children's trust pathfinders were launched in 2003 by the British government to promote greater inter-agency co-operation between children's services and professionals. This paper reports on early findings from a multi-method, longitudinal national evaluation of the implementation and impact of all 35 children's trust pathfinders. Using data from a 2004 survey of 35 children's trusts managers and in-depth interviews with 107 professionals conducted in 2005, results show strong endorsement of an integrated children's service vision. However, arrangements for co-operation on governance and strategic developments were more advanced than for procedural or frontline professional practice. In this transitional period, professionals were negotiating a balance between targeted and universal service provision and, concurrently, establishing the scope of formal strategic partnership bodies (including local safeguarding children boards) with potentially overlapping remits. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] A Review of the Nutrition Claims Made by Proponents of Organic FoodCOMPREHENSIVE REVIEWS IN FOOD SCIENCE AND FOOD SAFETY, Issue 3 2010Joseph D. Rosen ABSTRACT:, Health-conscious consumers have an interest in knowing if the extra money they spend on organic food is justified. The organic food industry, therefore, has a large financial interest in convincing the public that the food they sell is healthier, tastier, and better for the environment. One area that the industry has concentrated on is the supposed nutritional superiority of their product. The importance of this area to the organic food industry can be seen by the vehemence in which it has attacked and tried to discredit a recent, widely circulated report submitted to the British government that found no scientific evidence for claims that organic food is nutritionally superior to conventional food. Two nongovernment organizations, the Soil Assn. in the United Kingdom and the Organic Center in the United States have been heavily involved in the promotion of organic food. Both of these organizations exert a great deal of influence with the media, and hence with consumers, in both countries. An examination of some of their actions will be included in this article. [source] Structuring Europe: Powersharing Institutions and British Preferences on European IntegrationPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 3 2000Mark Aspinwall Scholars examining British-European relations typically ascribe UK governmental positions firstly to a combination of distinct and incompatible values, attitudes, and beliefs stemming from historical experience; secondly to a distinct and incompatible set of functional imperatives , namely less interaction with European partners than is the case for other EU member states; and third a distinct and incompatible set of domestic interests. This article challenges these views. It presents evidence to suggest that British governments have failed to assimilate social demands, and that the reason is an under-recognized and untheorized intervening variable , namely the structure of decisionmaking institutions in Parliament. It models the influence of this variable, and suggests that historical institutionalist theory captures key elements of the variable in a manner superior to extant approaches. [source] Liability, Responsibility and Blame: British Ransom Victims in the Mediterranean Periphery, 1860,81AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 3 2000Martin Blinkhorn Between 1865 and 1881 there occurred in southern Europe and the Balkans several cases of kidnapping in which British subjects were seized and held to ransom by brigands. Most ended peacefully (though expensively) with the negotiation and handing over of a substantial ransom, usually in gold, and the subsequent freeing of the hostage(s); one case, that of the so-called ,Marathon murders' of 1870 in Greece, ended in tragedy. Quite apart from the problems these incidents created for the victims and their families, some kidnappings also raised important questions for the governments involved, notably who was to blame for such incidents, who was formally responsible for them, and , crucially , who was ultimately liable for the cost involved? These questions and the responses of British governments to them, culminating in 1881 with the enunciation by Gladstone's administration of a clear policy on such matters, form the core of this article. [source] The Microfoundations of Corporatist Intervention: Dairying's Collective Action Problems in Canada and England during the 1930s Depression,CANADIAN REVIEW OF SOCIOLOGY/REVUE CANADIENNE DE SOCIOLOGIE, Issue 4 2000Roy C. Barnes Dans cet article, nous démontrons l'utilité d'une approche microfondamentale dans la compréhension de phénomènes sociaux de plus grande ampleur. Grâce à l'analyse des questions de recours collectifs, qui se sont posées aux différents acteurs, au Canada et en Angleterre, nous établissons un lien informel entre la macrovariable de « structure de l'industrie » et les formes divergentes de réglementation corporatiste instaurées dans les années 1930. Après avoir expliqué les caracteéristiques centrales de l'approche microfondamentale et souligné les aspects importants de la théorie des jeux et du concept de choix rationnel, nous examinons les témoignages élaborés, présentés dans le cadre de commissions et de comités du gouvernement. Ces données comparatives et historiques fournissent les bases qui permettent de comprendre la manière dont les différentes structures de l'industrie ont causé des problèmes de réglementation uniques pour les gouvernements canadien et britannique. This paper argues for the utility of a microfoundational approach to understanding larger social phenomena. Through an analysis of the collective action problems experienced by the various actors in both Canada and England, I wish to establish a causal link between the macro-level variable "industry structure" and the divergent forms of corporatist regulation instituted in the 1930s. After clarifying the central features of my microfoundational approach and highlighting important aspects of game theory and rational choice explanations, I review the extensive sets of testimonies given before governmental commissions and committees. These comparative and historical data provide the foundations for understanding how distinct industry structures produced unique sets of regulatory problems for the Canadian and British governments. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||